Skip to main content

Full text of "Psychic Sexuality"

See other formats







ALSO BY INGO SWANN 


To Kiss Earth Good-bye 
Cosmic Art (Editor) 

Star Fire (Fiction) 

Natural ESP: A Layman’s Guide to Unlocking 
the Extra Sensory Power of Your Mind 

Everybody's Guide to Natural ESP 

Your Nostradamus Factor: Accessing Your Innate 
Ability to See into the Future 

Purple Fables (Quartet) 

The Great Apparitions of Mary: An Examination of 
Twenty-Two Suprnnormal Appearances 

Penetration: The Question of Extraterrestrial 

and Human Telepathy 


r 


http://www bioimmlsuperpowers.com 



PSYCHIC SEXUALITY 


TH E BIO-PSYCHIC “ANATOMY’ OF 

SEXUAL ENERGIES 


INGO SWANN 


With a Foreword by 
Paula Gunn Allen, Ph.D 


kififihoihii , ,</>hn of Psychic Sexuality 
>i*i available by calling 
t ' v.s- M 404 d (toll-free). 


PSYCHIC SEXUALITY 

. , ▼ This book is dedicated to 

"(ivrighl < 1909 by Ingo Swann. All rights reserved. , the Late and Very Great Zelda Suplee 

' 1 l)ook be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system Free Spirit, Sexologist, Social Critic, 

oi transmitted in uny form by electronic, mechanical. ^^^B Universal Earth Mother, 

photocopying, recording means or otherwise ' a Soul of Great Wonderment and Beauty 

Without prior written permission of the author. 

Published in the United States by Ingo Swann Books, ^^Bi 

P.O. Box 2875. 

Itnpid City. South Dakota 57709-2875 

Telephone numbers for placing orders for this book: 

(888) 453-4046 (USA, Canada) (Tbll Free) 
i (605) 341-5660 (Foreign) 

r (605) 341-0020 (Fax) 


Front and back cover art by 
Milk\ Wav Web (unvw.milkywayweb.com) 


1 the United States of America 

ISBN 0-9667674-1-1 


I 


1 f 11k 


m */»/<*, v o/ Psychic Sexuality 

• //»' iii iii/dblr by calling 
' ' va /. .. W46 (toll-free). 


PSYCHIC SEXUALITY M 

#l , , ■ This book is dedicated to 

. . ' ''j'\ nv ,l c ,99 ” b y ln 8° Swann. All rights reserved. the Late and Very Great Zelda Suplee 

' l,,B lM ’" k "'" v be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system Free Spirit, Sexologist, Social Critic, 

or Irnnsmittnd in any form by electronic, mechanical, Universal Earth Mother, 

p Totocopying, recording means or otherwise I a Soul of Great Wonderment and Beauty 

without prior written permission of the author. 

Published in the United States by Ingo Swann Books, 

P.O. Box 2875, 

Kupid City, South Dakota 57709-2875 

'Iblephone numbers for placing orders for this book: ' 

(888) 453-4046 (USA, Canada) (Tbll Free) 

(605) 341-5660 (Foreign) 

(605) 341-0020 (Fax) 


Front and back cover art by 
I htkvWay Web (www. m i Iky way web. com ) 


l‘i lulnil m i he United States of America. 
ISBN 0-9667674-1-1 


ITEMS TO CONSIDER 


It’s unkind to point out 
the Obvious 

To those who don’t want to see it. 

But it’s worse to point out 
the Invisible 

To those convinced it doesn’t exist. 


* 


What, When, and Who are important, of course, but 
Meaning is only achieved by understanding 

the WHY 

and which is one reason why the WHY 
it hidden from easy access. 

★ 


Enthusiasm collects Vital Energies 


* 

*★* 




Contents 


I OHIO word 

INTRODUCTION 


21 

29 




W PART I 

I TREMULOUS PULSATIONS 

Chapter 1: 

THE UNIVERSALITY OF SEXUAL ENERGIES 43 

I OUR CONVENTIONAL APPROACHES TO 

THE EXAMINATION OF SEXUALITY 43 

HIE AVOIDED ISSUE OF SEXUAL ENERGIES 44 

I'KK-MODERN CONCEPTS OF SEXUAL ENERGIES 45 

SEXUAL ENERGIES AS TANGIBLE “SUBSTANCES” 46 

THE STRANGE SOCIETAL AVOIDANCE 

OF SEXUAL ENERGIES 46 

EARLY RESEARCH CONTEXTS REGARDING 

SEXUALIZING ENERGIES 47 

Chapter 2: 

INANIMATE ENERGY— ANIMATE ENERGY 49 

THE PRIMITIVE IDEA OF THE “LIFE FLUID" 49 

THE MODEL OF MECHANISTIC “WORK” ENERGIES 51 

MAJOR SOURCES OF MECHANISTIC ENERGY 52 

ANIMATING ENERGETICS 52 

SEXUALITY AS BEHAVIOR? 64 

ORGANISM— ORGANISMIC 65 

ORGANIC VITALITY— A FORM 

OF ANIMATING ENERGETICS 56 

SELF- VIBRATING ENERGIES 57 

Chapter 3: 

BODY-MIND versus BODY-ENERGY-MIND 59 

IMAGES OF MAN 59 

THE MODERN EMERGENCE OF PHILOSOPHICAL DUALISM.. 61 

THE HUMAN AS BODY-ENERGY MINI) 64 


11 


Chapter 4: 

ANIMA AND THE LIFE PRINCIPLE 67 

INFLUENCES 

THE LIFE PRINCIPLE ?? 

ANIMA 70 

SOUL 71 

ANIMAL 71 

73 

Chapter 5: 

MAGNETISTS OF THE RENAISSANCE PERIOD 79 

DEFWmON OF RENAISSANCE MAGNETISM 7q 

ioSf£ A ™ ETIC SYSTEM 0F THE RENAISSANCE 

™ IDS 0F REPULSI0N AND ATTRACTION ... 82 

HEALING BY MAGNETIC STROKING g2 

Chapter 6: 

MAGNETIC FORCE— ANIMAL MAGNETISM 85 

FRANZ ANTON MESMER 

MEDICAL USES OF MAGNETIC “PLATES” 

MAGNETIC “VATS” 

THE ENERGETIC PHENOMENA OF THE VATS al 

THE SOCIAL BACKGROUND REGARDING THE VATS na 

SPONTANEOUS SEXUAL ORGASM AT THE VATS It 

MESMERIC TRANCES 85 

MESMER'S EXPULSION FROM FRANCE on 

THE CONTINUING SAGA OF MESMERIC PHENOMENA 1........ 91 

Chapter 7: 

ODIC FORCE 

93 

REICHENBACH— INVENTOR- INDUSTRIALIST 93 

REIC HENBAcirS E^ERI^NTS IN ODIC 

SENSITIVITY I 

ODIC LIGHTS .... 



Chapter 8: 

ENERGIES PHOTOGRAPHIC M 1 


"•mil PHOTOGRAPHY 

I IT PHOTOGRAPHY 

MBSCHAI. ENERGY PHOTOGRAPHS? 

1 Imptm 9: 

I'MYt'HlC FORCE 


.99 

102 

105 


107 


M» " *» I(N PSYCHICAL RESEARCH 108 

"MUTUALISM 109 

AM I < iNISIIING PHENOMENA OF SPIRITUALISM 109 

»"’> • HIC FORCE HO 

HI- NMATIONS ASSOCIATED WITH THE PSYCHIC FORCE..."..." 113 

«KXI 'Al . I ZING ENERGIES OF THE PSYCHIC FORCE 114 

MKXUAL ENERGY DISPLAYS DURING SEANCES 115 

HSXDALI ZING AROUSAL SIMILARITY OF ANIMAL 

M AGNETISM, ODIC FORCE, AND PSYCHIC FORCE 117 

• Impter 10: 

1 HU 11 INK ENERGY— BIONIC ENERGY 119 


"II II KMT DELIBERATE RESEARCH INTO 

1 X I JALIZING ENERGIES 

I A SEXUALIZING ENERGY 

' HU " IN I ENERGY ACCUMULATORS 

MM l Al IZING EFFECTS OF ORGONE ENERGY 

t'MK Ml M I ETAL TERMINATION OF WILHELM REICH 


120 

124 

126 

127 

128 


H PART II 

■ THE TREMULOUS PULSATIONS 

■ SEEN BY CLAIRVOYANCE 

I Imptnr 11: 

Pill' VENTING KNOWLEDGE OF SEXUAL ENERGIES ... 133 

HIM "i " I ETAL CONDEMNATION OF KNOWLEDGE 

«" HUMAN ENERGETICS 133 

• N PI' ItIKNCING OF SEXUAL ENERGIES 

I AN ME PARTIALLY DEADENED 136 

Mil I XPEUIENCING OF SEXUAL ENERGIES 

I INDER SPECIAL AND ORDINAKY CIRCUMSTANCES .... 137 


L 


"SSS OF DUMBING DOW " 

™SSS!» osnmi,Mi 13t 

=SS c ~«ss' £ 
SSES ,,ONSBE ™" 

ARTISTIC REPRESENTATIONS OF THE HUMAN AURA 141 

Chapter 12: 

PSYCHIC FORCE AS AFFLUENT SUBSTANCE 145 

THE ORIGINAL CONCEPT OF 

J*’ S Y CHIC FORCE AS AFFLUENT SUBSTANCE 1 ac 

THE AFFLUENT SUBSTANCE IANGE 14 6 

MAJ OR characteristics of 

THE AFFLUENT SUBSTANCE 

UNCONSCIOUS CEREBRATION 147 

IS PSYCHIC FORCE A FORCE? 

TH ^S?, ECT SIMILARITY OF PSYCHIC FORCE 160 

TO THE CHINESE CH’I ENERGY . , n 



Chapter 13: 

CLAIRVOYANCE— TELESTHESIA 1C „ 

THE COMPLEX NATURE OF CLAIRVOYANCE 
TELESTHESIA AS A FORM OF CLAIRVOYANCE 1ZZZZZ.’ 150 

Chapter 14: 

BEYOND CLAIRVOYANCE— LUCIDITY 


153 

156 


161 


DEFINITIONS OF LUCIDITY 

ABSOLUTE NECESSITY OF CL^RVOYANT FACm TTFQ !«! 

™ STRANGE STORY OF lS™ »• 

^PER^AR STER LEADBEATER -CLAIEVOYiN ; i ; 



SEXUALLY DERIVED CATHEXIS 

187 

Chapter 15: 

AUKA, 

171 


MM9TI E EMANATIONS OF ANY SUBSTANCE 171 

l(t*< I l(l( AL ATMOSPHERES AND FLUIDIC PLASMA 172 

Mlf«< 31 .E .1 UICES AND AURAS OF THE SEMINAL FLUID 172 

till' TANG I BLE AND EMOTIONAL AURA 172 

III *1 Ml. UNDULATING BEAMS, AND 

TRANSPARENT EMANATIONS 173 

W M \ I HIE AURA SHOULD LOOK LIKE 173 

"it m MAN ATMOSPHERE 173 

IN IT Nr I' I IISCOVERS THE THERMAL AURA 176 

Al 'RAM AN ENERGY FIELDS 177 

' hnpter 16 : 

1 1 1 1 T NTANGLED MANIFESTATION” 179 

MU >AI. ENERGY SENSING SYSTEMS 180 

' M' ' I'll >NAL ENERGY SENSING SYSTEMS 181 

MIT roM I 'LEXITY OF AURA ENERGY FIELDS 181 

' ' (NERVATIONS OF THE AURA 181 

IMI M i RA AS VITAL FORCE LUMINANT 182 

till 1 mi ( >PE OF THE COMPLEX AURA ENERGY FIELDS 183 

I III m EXISTENCE OF FORMATIVE ENERGY 

- Ill ITS FORMED MATTER 184 

MVT N KINDS OF AURA INFORMATION SYSTEMS 186 

AURA Ml 1 1 ,TI DIMENSIONAL AND RESPLENDENT 186 


PART III 

THE COPPER MIRROR TRAINING DEVICE 
OF THE MAHATMAS & EXPERIENCING 
THE ENTANGLED MANIFESTATION 


i Imptur 17: 

11 IIMONAL EXPERIENCING OF 

AURA ENERGY FIELDS 191 

VIMI Ml NHING AS A TYPE OF CLAIRVOYANCE 192 

villi' SENSING OF SEXUAL VIBRATIONS 192 

Mi iM I BASK ' ATI’KIBl ITEM I I IAT ARE UNIVERSAL TO 

TIIK HUMAN BEING 193 

HMIMJ/INM II'INI T i OK HIT HUMAN BEING 194 


15 


DIS ™ C T I0NS between perceiving physicality 
i MM ™e sensing of being-essences ... 195 

INNER-CORE AWARENESS SYSTEMS 

CHILDHOOD CLAIRVOYANCE 7 

THE “KIRLIAN” AURA 197 

199 

Chapter 18: 

THE COPPER MIRROR TRAINING DEVICE 

OF THE MAHATMAS 2Q1 

BASIC POWERS OF PERCEPTION 

DIFFICULTIES OF GETTING B E YOND THE VISIRT F 

CLAIRVOYANCE AS PERCEPTION-EXTENDING 202 

FUNCTIONS OF THE HUMAN ENERGETIC SYSTFMQ <>r\A 

! r ! un ™ g devices :::: ' 205 

luc“ G DEVICE at the 

209 

Chapter 19: 

UNANTICIPATED LUCIDITY BEGINS 213 

“SoS 0 r of blue ught 213 

LUCIDITY BEGINS 214 

clairv °yance emerges:::::::::::::::::;;;: 

CLAIRVOYANCE OF ZOOMING LIGHT TUBFS RFPTMq 01 ~ 

VISUAL PERCEPTION OF ACUPUNCTURE 216 

POINTS COMMENCES 

LUCIDITY 218 

LUCIDITY AT WORK OUTSIDE OF THE 

COPPER WALL ROOM 221 

Chapter 20: 

CHAKRA 

223 

CLAIRVOYANT PERCEPTION OF THE CHAKRAS 

THE KUNDALINI ENERGY CHAKRAS S 

™ £^°"5° F ™ E SEXUAUZI.NO (TIAKItAS .I... 225 

I HE CHAKRAS ELABORATED VIA THEOSOPHY .Z&l 


■NRNGIKS DENSE ENOUGH TO BE VISIBLE 


226 


i hnpter 21: 

I I WORKS WITHIN THE 

I iNTANGLED MANIFESTATION 229 

l I" 1 1 H IY OF INTERNAL BODY ORGANS 229 

i \ MINING THE HEART VIA LUCIDITY 229 

I X \MINING THE INTESTINES VIA LUCIDITY 230 

I HAMINING THE BRAIN VIA LUCIDITY 230 

EXAMINING THE SPINE VIA LUCIDITY 231 

l X 'MINING UNKNOWN NETWORKS VIA LUCIDITY 232 

• . V KRY OWN COPPER MIRROR 233 

< 'Impter 22: 

I I IINING OFF WHAT THE COPPER MIRROR 

TURNED ON 235 

’III I TING THRESHOLDS OF CLAIRVOYANCE 235 

M I N I) KI LTERS BLOCKING CLAIRVOYANCE 235 

l Ml DOUBLE PROBLEM OF NOT ENOUGH CLAIRVOYANCE 

AND TOO MUCH LUCIDITY 236 

I I IKNING LUCIDITY OFF 237 

i l'l KIENCING A SIMPLE EXAMPLE 

I )F MEDICAL CLAIRVOYANCE 238 

' i \ I H VOYANCE OF SEXUALIZING 

ENERGIES CONCRETIZES 238 


m PART IV 

[ “ANATOMT- OF SEXUALIZING ENERGIES 

Chapter 23: 

PARAPHERNALIA AND REGALIA OF HUMAN 


SEXUALIZING ENERGIES 243 

AN ENERGETIC MASTER PLAN? 243 

ENERGETIC “VEHICLES” 244 

A SPECTRUM OF VITAL LIFE VIBRATIONS 245 


16 


17 


ANATOMY OF THE AURA ENERGY FIELDS 


246 


Chapter 24: 

SOME ANATOMY OF SEXUALIZING 

ENERGY PARAPHERNALIA 249 

THE CONFLICTS BETWEEN MATERIALISM AND VITALISM 250 
A DISTINCTIVE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN 

MATERIALISM AND VITALISM 251 

ANATOMY OF THE BASIC THREE SEXUALIZING CHAKRAS "252 

THE FIRST, OR MAIN, SEXUALIZING CHAKRA 253 

THE ANAL CHAKRA 254 

DIFFERENCES BETWEEN MALE AND FEMALE 

SEXUALIZING CHAKRAS 254 

THE DELICATE CHAKRAS AT THE TIP OF 

THE PENIS AND CLITORIS 256 

THE MALE AND FEMALE BENDING BEAMS " 257 

THE MINUTE SEXUALIZING CHAKRAS OF THE THIGHS 258 

SEXUALIZING FUNCTIONS OF OTHER ORGANS 260 

SEXUALIZING ASPECTS OF HAIR FOLLICLES 

AND THE PORES 261 

ATTRACTING AND REPELLING SEXUALIZING ENERGIES 262 

Chapter 25: 

SOME ANATOMY OF SEXUALIZING 

ENERGY REGALIA 265 

INFORMATION CARRYING ENERGIES 266 

PLASTIC-ENERGY CHARACTERISTICS OF 

THE SEXUALIZING REGALIA 267 

PLASTIC ENERGIES 267 

STIMULUS ENERGIES 268 

HORNYNESS ENERGIES 268 

ENERGETIC MELDINGS 269 

SEXUALIZING REGALIA OF THE 

BIOLOGICAL FEMALE VERSION 270 

SEXUALIZING REGALIA OF THE 

BIOLOGICAL MALE VERSION 274 

Chapter 26: 

SOME SEXUALIZING ENERGIES OF 

BIO-PSYCHIC CHANGELINGS 279 


18 




97Q 

THE ANDROGYNE - “ ' J 

THE THREE MAJOR SEXUALIZING ARCHETYPES 281 

CLAIRVOYANT EXAMPLES OF THE 

THREE SEXUALIZING ENERGIES ^ 

THE RELATIONSHIP OF HORNYNESS AND 

THE DESIRE TO MELD OR BOND /84 

THE PROBLEMATICAL NATURE OF MIXES 

OF THE THREE SEXUALIZING ENERGY FORMS 286 

ENERGETIC COMPLEXITIES TO BE CONSIDERED 288 


Chapter 27: 

THE ENERGETIC MELDING FUNCTION 


291 


THE DYNAMIC MOTILITY OF AURA ENERGY FIELDS 292 

MOTILE ENERGIES AS CARRIERS OF INFORMATION 294 

THE EXISTENCE OF ENERGY-INFORMATION 295 

INFORMATION-EXCHANGE NATURE OF 

ENERGETIC MELDING 

THE MALE MELDING TORUS 

THE FEMALE MELDING TORQUES f * 

GEOMETRIC ENERGY STRUCTURES 299 

HUMAN ENERGETICS— A SCIENCE DENIED 301 


301 


OCCin TISM AS THE SCIENCE OF ENERGETICS 301 

THE ENERGETIC NATURE OF SECRET SOVIET RESEARCH . 302 

THE ASIAN ENERGETIC COUNTERPART 304 

A CHIEF CHARACTERISTIC OF 

WESTERN PSI RESEARCH dU0 

SOME HISTORICAL NOTES REGARDING 

THE DENIAL OF ENERGETICS IN THE WEST 306 

THE UNACKNOWLEDGED NECESSITY OF 

THE ENERGETIC COMPONENT — 

ENERGETICS-THE BRIDGE TO UNDERSTANDING 

SEXUAL AND CREATIVE ENERGIES 309 


SUGGESTED READING 311 



FOREWORD 


When Sir Arthur Conan Doyle via Sherlock Holmes commented 
that ‘The world is full of obvious things which nobody by any chance 
ever observed/’ he had not been counting on people like Ingo Swann. 

For while Doyle’s observation is depressingly true in this mis- 
begotten timewarp, there are those who, like, Swann, not only notice 
but experiment, experience, research, and record their findings. 

Sadly, unlike Swann in his painstakingly researched Psychic 
Sexuality , most who write about these obvious but by most unobserved 
matters fall victim to several stylistic vicissitudes Ingo avoids. 

Their writing is dense, troublesome, obscure, becoming part of 
the problem it attempts to solve. Or their approach is so over-simplis- 
tic, pointing to obvious truths while omitting much of the data that 
fleshes them out, that they are readily dismissed as childish. 

Swann, by contrast, employs an engaging style while at the same 
time drawing on a vast store of data, personal experience, and deep 
reflection. He does not ignore the rules of reasoned argument, but in- 
stead embues his text with the kind of fluid magnetic power he is eluci- 
dating, making his points simultaneously comprehensible and recog- 
nizable. As in, “Yeah, I remember that!” Or, “Wow, I wondered what 
that was when it happened!” 

Swann doesn’t make the common mistake of confusing the menu 
with the meal. Instead, he rightly makes the menu function as it should: 
a guide to gustatory experience - or, in this particular case - a guide to 
psychic experience. 

Eluding the common trap of pursuing a point merely because it 
is trendy, or echoing what everyone in one’s circle already believes, 
Swann chooses to observe, record, and think the problem through. He 
writes from material that in general supports, explains, expands, deep- 
ens, and clarifies matters he has experienced first hand and reflected 
deeply upon. In short, he follows the Path of Wisdom, and through his 
carefully constructed reflections, makes it accessible to modern under- 
standing. 

In Chapter 12, “Psychic Force as Affluent Substance,” Swann 
comments, The only real problem with the whole of this [discussion] is 
that modern sciences do NOT admit that this kind of magnetism or 
force exists ” He goes on to list a number of characteristics of the force 
taken from Spiritualism Answered by Science (1871) by Edward Will- 
iam Cox. According to Swann, Cox was the person who coined the now 


21 


generally accepted term "psychic,” to refer to psychological abilities that 
transcend mechanistic limits. 



The list includes three characteristics I particularly want to draw 
attention to: 


1 There is a Force proceeding from, or directly associated with, 
the human organization. (Read organism, or body structure.) 


2 The strength, or power, of the Force is conditional upon the 
mental and emotional status of the individual and the individu- 
als involved. The Force ‘is sometimes, but rarely, exhibited when 
the Psychic is alone. As a rule, the presence of other persons 
promotes the operations of the Force.’ 


3 The Force ‘is materially influenced by the electric and magnetic 
conditions of the atmosphere and of surrounding bodies, by heat 
and cold, by moisture and dryness, and still more by the ner- 
vous conditions of the persons present.’ 



Here, the most significant aspect not of the psychic alone, but 
the spiritual as well is highlighted. He focuses our attention on the 
basic Laws of Magic, of ritual and of transcendent consciousness. Upon 
reflection, one begins to realize why a social system that promotes and 
comprehends the true nature of human potential is so essential to our 
well being as spiritual, PSYCHIC, entities who indeed do not live by 
bread alone. 

| True human consciousness - for that is what is being explored 
in Swanns work - is a by-product of community. jNo rugged individual- 
ism here! For true consciousness depends on the interplay of a variety 
of human organisms coordinated into a harmonious whole. 


The psychic envelope (as I term the structure that arises out of 
community) created by the linkage of human organic magnetic or psy- 
chic force is dependent on its environment. Items such as weather, 
climate, season, placement on the planet, and within the constellations 
have direct impact on the clarity of any human operation. 

The location includes the group and its purpose as they relate 
to sun, moon phase, and tide - that is, to the general tone of the mag- 
netic flow this vast interlocking, energistic complex takes on in that 
precise moment. 

It also includes “what time it is” - as Native Americans put it. 


22 




I hut is, the time/space continuum - which to the Native American phi- 
losophy is a time-space never ending enfoldment-unfoldment- multidi- 
mensional helical interaction - and which is critical to all transactions 
Minong and within all communities in the universe. (Again, everything 
depends on everything else, and nothing can act in isolation or indepen- 
dence outside of the infinite/eternal confluence of energies-forces-intel- 
llfonces.) 

K If any of these aspects of the grid is off balance or out of tune, 
either nothing, something unexpected, or things unlovely and down- 
i Ight evil will be generated by this link. 

L In other words, garbage in, garbage out; love and beauty in, 
love and beauty out; plenty in, plenty out; peaceful in, peaceful out - 
mid so forth. As one of the basic occult texts of the tradition instructs: 
For as ye sow, so shall ye reap;” “Sow the wind, inherit the whirlwind;” 
and “By their fruits [results] shall ye know them.” 

L So various American Indian Peoples hold that “All life is a circle, 
miuI everything within it is connected." That is what they mean by the 
evocation “All my relatives.” 

In traditional American Indian languages, the sacred (that is, 
i he higher, integral energy field) which practitioners manipulate in ritual 
manner, is known variously as “orenda”, “iyanyi", “hobomak", “manitou”,-|f 
and so forth. 

In their study of magnetic fields in New England, James Mavor 
and Byron Dix compare “manitou" to the ancient Chinese geomantic 
practice called “feng shui.” 

They write that Manitou appears to be “inseparable from 
K<*omancy, the concept of the world as a place where all activities and 
objects, both in the natural and supernatural domains, are connected 
in some subtle manner. (Geomancers believe that the natural order can 
be sensed, and tuned into by traditional practices.” [See: Mavor, James 
W & Dix, Byron E.: Manitou: The Sacred Landscape of New England s 
\ative Civilization. Rochester, Vermont: Inner Traditions International, 
1998, pp. 330-331.] 

ir oc-^/v '< S 

Native peoples’ philosophical systems have long assumed that 
I lit* use of this power, this “orenda,” “hozho”, “hobomak”, or “iyanyi,” 
ibis “manitou,” is subject to certain laws: for example, that it doesn’t 
Jwork for loners, except as negative sorcery Vthe sort that blights, dis- 



23 




torts, and destroys. 

In his book The Manitous: The Spiritual World of the OjibwayStM 
[New York: Harper Collins, 1995, p. 242], Basil Johnston, the noted 
Anishinabeg (Ojibway) scholar, defines manitou. He gives characteris- H 
tics of “Mystery, essence, substance, matter, supernatural spirit, anima, J 
quiddity, attribute, property, God, deity, godlike, mystical, incorporeal, A 
transcendental, invisible reality.” /fl 



The community use of manitou, orenda, iyanyi, hozho, etc., that 
is, of geopsychic energy, however, results in an almost infinite variety of 
positive results, many chronicled in reports on spiritual events in In- 
dian Country by travelers, antiquarians, anthropologists and mission- 
aries. Just about all of these both misunderstood what they saw and, 
either horrified or disbelieving, mischaracterized it. 

But there are those who have got it right. One such source ito\ 
provided by Peggy V. Beck (anthropologist) and Anna Lee Walters (Otoe\| 
Pawnee writer) in their book The Sacred: Ways of Knowledge, Sources \ 
of Life[ Tsaile, Navajo Nation: Navajo Community College Press, 1971; l 1 
pp. 41-42]. f 

One of the many intriguing and points they make (in their study 
of American Indian systems of the sacred) highlights the means by which 
these geopsychic, spiritual energies are used to benefit all life. 

f ‘The expression we are using to describe this power of prayer 
"dancd and song-chant] and the concentration brought to an idea or 
thought by a lot of people at the same timethinking and praying for the 
same thing - is ‘collective mindfulness”’ they write. “One is mindful 
when one is aware, respectful, careful.” Beck and Walters provide ex- 
amples of this ‘collective mindfulness’, and include prayers given by 
native speakers, such as this, from a Winnebago officiant: \ 

. . . Ancestors, we greet you, we greet you! 

You who sit around me here, we relatives, we greet you again. 
Soon the dance song will start up and we will try to dance and sing as 
did the Indians of old in the beginning.This was always an Indian cer- 
emony and, in the old days, everything was done with the greatest of 
care and circumspection. ... all who were present had been blessed by 
the spirits. . . . When it was time to begin the dance song, all arose and 
danced. (Beck and Walters, pp. 41-42). 



■ As so much of this has crucial matter has been known for so 
long, in so many civilizations, why don’t contemporary authorities en- 
I , mirage all of us together to do whatever we do “with greatest care and 

' 1 1 rt 'll inspection?” 

/ Why not join in patterned, focused attention on psychic ener- 
that surround us, and manipulate them harmoniously for the planet 
•nil humanity’s greater good? Maybe in that way we could transform 
it,., hostile, ■-< ^ve been 

(•norating, j 

The question must arise: Who benefits from the world-wide 
transformation of essentially Life-making force-energy into that which 
U ho powerfully negative that even the air can’t survive its assault. 




V n PSYCHIC SEXUALITY, Swann explores many of the rea- 
tons why knowledge of basic life-enhancing processes is denied even 
nrohibitedAHe suggests that should “we, the people’ ever learn how to 
consciously amplify and utilize the psychic force that flows through us 

nnd through all that is, then all bets are off. 

W Talk about power! Imagine paradigm shift! 

■ I venture to say that the deepest cause behind most of the war, 
|M»verty, disease, and phenomena both too vast and too subtle to quite 

romprehend, is lust for power. 

% f Distortion of human-cum-planetary psychic force by oppression, 

repression, and suppression of our creative energy is the means by which 

w.. are locked out of our creative power.^ . 

1 By distortion of creative urges, and chief among them being our 

..wn sexuality, we are prevented from making full use of the malien- 
i,| ilo rights” given us by “God” and “Nature’s God” in order to secure the 
blessings of liberty with and for all the people of the world. 

For one thing, without the vital Life-making force that nour- 
iHhes sexual and all creative energies, no one could get “turned on, no 
community could be formed, no learning could take place, and nothing 

live 

W ° U More than carbon, oxygen, nitrogen and hydrogen, that which 
brings them into harmonious relation is the essential ingredient of all 
I hut is - organic or inorganic, animal, vegetable, or mineral connecting 

all that is into “All my relatives” as a fact, not a pious wish. 

How is it the poet Dylan Thomas named that energy: that 


24 


25 


Im> a I lull ilrtvnn I ha granny flower"? 

ln«o probe* into muny of the causes of officialdom’s mindfuck: 
ii I H, i I" down to who’s to have power. Since about 1769 the industrial 
. ivlh/ulionH of the Western world have, by regulating human creative 
energies, attempted to change, by-pass, kill, or obliterate the obvious in 
the name of Progress; in the name of Empire; in the name of vested 
interests both religious and secular; in the name of science as only ma- 
terialism; in the name of formalism and uniformitarianism. 

Now comes Ingo Swann, just in time to make best use of the 
energetic potential of what time it is. In the 1970s, he published 7b Kiss 
Earth Good-bye , then went on to train a group at the heart of the beast 
- rubbing its nose, as it were, in the Obvious. Eventually his efforts 
resulted in their liberation - which each presently explores in their own 
bemused way. 

He offers Psychic Sexuality , a work that will help widen a path 
of reclaiming information about the Obvious; at least the publication of 
this work gives us a fighting chance to survive the smoggy pollution 
that obscures the radiant vitality of all this is. 

Given half a chance, the human spirit - that is, the human or- 
ganization or organism - harmonized with the time and the spirit of the 
time, with the vast magnetic interlocking quaternary of Great Wheels, 
will break free from its chains. 

Together knowing more of the magnetic interlocking, we might 
exit the deep cave we’ve been mucked about in for far too long, and 

abandon our fascination with the chimerical shadows that masquerade 
as truth. 

Read Psychic Sexuality. Ponder it. Make its observations part 
of your experience, always remembering we are all part of one another. 
Observe the Obvious - the fruits, the effects of our efforts on ourselves 
and all our relatives, the change in you that entails the change in me 
and them and all of it everywhere. Find out what time it is, how the 
energies flow, and set sail. Begin now - and may the Force be with you. 

Paula Gunn Allen 
May 1998 
Los Angeles 

[PAULA GUNN ALLEN, Ph.D. is Professor of English, Ameri- 


, .... Indian Studies, and Creative Writing at UCLA. She is spiritual 

and Matron of Oak Clan (Laguna Pueblo, New Mexico); an 

■ward winning scholar and writer; author of The Sacred Hoop: Recou- 
, n ,,g the Feminine in American Indian Tradition s\ a novel entitled The 
Hi, man Who Owned the Shadows. Recent publications include: bong 
,d the Turtle: American Indian Literature 1974- 199% Life is a Fatal 
Disease: Collected Poems 1968-1995, and Off the Reservation: Reflec- 
tions from a Border-Crossing, Boundary -Busting Loose Canon, 1998.] 


26 


27 




INTRODUCTION 


tKp tonic of SEX IS composed of a 

* A. m-. Pi- 7/j7Xt U de* of subsidiary topics bound to- 

■ |MM f ..ru-ioted activities. 

K^t »rr.iv ..I «* . n ed bv that mysterious 

* — v«y »e, 

_r cr» rnmolcx that it 


E 


• **»»• 


a— 

An.Hl...r permanent aspect is ^^^^nds oT humans can 
Wt** "" " l ‘‘:; r '^'hRe lwcrful intellectual ideas arise and 

fcs: :r ss;ss - ** of sex 

^••1*.- mII ' nil virus and in all generations. 

her permanent factor ^ rtunng'th^ inflow of knowledge 

Sfo^ *** is — d v,a in “ 

f nlml tupenencing of sex and 

1 ^Sssaaa 

E . . ::: ZZZ. ^ ****“> •* tor ■ ure> 

|MaM.«uab.v eM*eriem»ng. , , confounding but won- 

«*5rr: ^:;x:rr ^ ^ 


■/.. 


* , , h nrihl»d. 0n ™^“ Ct,Vltle8a ” dc0ntortions 

^ eret 7 d th,t here »a» a 

- 

rr ^ 5 

»»■ IV»,|u,.ntly m"“l"toi h |'h,“I^2‘^' < * he totellectual 

library 1 bad — ul— a rathe, large 

iea of them. a,,w ‘ lh «“ k-nde ofaexual activities and various stud- 

a plethoWn^ ^u&^i ib ' r S°" h ‘' d ^ “P. and 
and, these more or le s emulaTed thf avaUabl «' B « i- the 

bef - - 

tual studies of sexual ‘ “ W Was broadl P “»* «• 

between. g 1 ener Pes remained few and far 

knowledge^ sexual » itb »*« «. 

viou s reason for this is that the topic of huma^en ? 1 ^ 6 ^ ° ne ° b ‘ 

etlir ed ° r Z g Tol\^ 

ntatt eoett”.; £Z T" f ™ ° f h “- 

existence of such energies. f 1 based on the real, virtual 

to comprehend ZTIStare o^the Tant^ 0 ™^' 0 ^ 3016 ^ attem P ts 
consist of many differentiate™* J u "f *** 8nd crafts - and which 
monly treated in the West. eS ‘ des the sexual ones more com- 

upon which refers to “a loom" 

ments of balanced sexuality, creativity 




30 


•i ml objectives, and the attainment of six super-human faculties. 

Most Asian texts stipulate the real existence of intangible, in- 
visible energies that download into material representation and affects. 
Hi* Thinese have long referred to these energies as Chi, while the Ch’i 
disciplines advocate understanding and working with, not against, those 
superlative energies. 

m Basic knowledge of such energies downloads from pre-antiq- 
Hlly sources usually referred to as shamanistic, and in this sense some 
kind of operational knowledge regarding invisible energetics is found 
mi most pre-modern cultures world-wide. 

■ With regard to the modern West, most will not really be aware 
( I ) that the study of invisible human energetics really needs to flower 
into existence, and (2) that it does not enjoy accepted existence because 
societal forces have suppressed it. 

As mentioned, the precise reasons for the suppression are vague 
•Mid mysterious. But vivid, and awesome, elements of the societal sup- 
pression can be recovered from historical aspects usually deleted from 
conventional histories, and it is a full part of this book to recover a 
sampling of those elements. 

But additionally, if the invisible energies do exist, as the an- 
cient Eastern texts hold, then they are universal to our species and as 
•uch will constantly be encountered even by those not knowledgeable 
ii bout their existence. 

★ 

Such energies, including sexualizing energies, were encountered 
in modern psychical research. But they were concealed from popular 
knowledge because organized psychical research evolved smack in the 
middle of Victorian attitudes about sex, including even deleting the term 
from proper discourse. 

Then there is the matter of clairvoyance via which invisible, 
intangible energies can be sensed or seen. It is with this matter of 
psychic clairvoyance that a large proportion of this book proceeds. 

There are many misunderstandings regarding clairvoyance, a 
i a! her recent term, but the phenomena of which are entirely consistent 
wil h the long history from the earliest forms of shamanism to the present: 
sensing or seeing invisible energies and their relationship to all other 
more concrete factors. 


HI 


™.,d. 

••xpluined without studying and incomo 8 ? 6 ^ neither can b«. 

at least, creativity and ZVr oL^Z7sel7 ^ ^ “ 80016 
because their energetic activation needs SSS^JSSS^ ^ 

deliberate cultivatfo^Theya^ve^ broadJ^’ h °^ ever , seldom needs 

speak, among all humans, and sensed as dS tT f® “ raW ’” 80 
•oral, and moral circumstances. dl8t| nct from physical, behav- 

energies may reS h »^X!|^^ r J , e atio11 ° f ’°* and creati ™ I 

oM. eB ; ‘r 

-gies -—I en- 

kinds of energies. e °° r to studies of many other 



l ^ 


Green Stilts, *'' * *. Elmer 

take par. in a par.ieular ly ,„.ere 8 .i„g -££££*?"* *» 

Green, «* aad -worker, Dr. Alyce 

the realm of researching brainwave ^ dur ' ng the 1970s in 

ing faculty.” ofeedback and “the image-mak- 

back training ma“y SET fiaW * Weed- 

sciousness. The use of biofeedback to-hn ^ e ° hatlCe 8tates of c °n- 

gaining voluntary cent™, over many phyeLTaTp!^ 

ted to di^. G r«”il W C3S and *“>* d “°- *% oommit- 
nomena and states, f ° Ut con8clous ness and its many phe- 

UniveJ^r^^t^^Altr^r - the 

in counseling and creativity. She Lr 


limning in psychotherapy, and had been the first president of the Abso 
M int ion of Transpersonal Psychology. 


The Greens had established at Menninger a research facility 
• «.(. rred to as the “Voluntary Controls Program.” The work of the Pro- 
ton in focused on the alpha-theta brainwave biofeedback process, and 
wmi at first funded primarily by the National Institutes of Mental Health 
H), constituting very high societal approval and support. 

I Research progress led to encounters and wonderment regard- 

ing physical energies and fluctuating states of consciousness. So within 
i In* Voluntary Controls Program, in 1983 the Greens incorporated a 
Physical Fields and States of Consciousness” research project. 



The concept of “physical fields” refers to field-like magnetic and 
magnetic functions that interpenetrate the physical body and 
ii I so extend outward from it. 


H « |l 


ft Within the physical fields project, the Greens and their co- work- 
ms conceptualized a very curious and extraordinary research direction 
referred to as ‘The Copper Wall Project.” It was in this project that I 
d to act as an experimental subject. 



Because they are quite complicated and require copious back- 
n.ound information, details of the Copper Wall experiment will be com- 
pletely described in chapter 18. 

But generally speaking, the Copper Wall experiment incorpo- 
rated large sheets of copper constructed into an environmental surround 
within which an individual sits. 

There were two expectations. The first was that the energies 
radiating from the human body would impact with the copper walls 
which were hooked into sensitive equipment to detect the impacts. The 
second consisted of the expectation that the copper surround would act 
in ways that might stimulate and increase extraordinary states of aware- 
ness and consciousness. 

H The idea of INCREASING awareness and expanding conscious- 

ness is not new or unusual, of course. On its surface, the idea is attrac- 
tive and widely discussed, for the prospect has to do with unlocking 
human potentials. Thus, the idea seems logical, and is one that might 
be pursued with enthusiasm. 

- But just beneath the glowing surface aspects of the idea exists 


32 


33 


a rather curious history o! mainstream societal repression that is quite 
difficult to explain, and which has hardly ever been opened up for in- 
spection. 

In part explanation, though, let us identify what might be a 
strategic reason. What might be perceived, via conditions of increased 
awareness and expanded states of consciousness, certainly will differ 
from what might be perceived via average, or conventional, conditions 
of awareness. 

So although the general idea of increasing awareness and con- 
sciousness seems logical and attractive, there is the matter of what re- 
alities will be perceived if indeed such enhancement does happen. 

Here is something apparently quite problematical to all major 
societal concerns, especially if they are founded upon states of aware- 
ness and consciousness developed only in accord with the conventional 
average. 


Since most social structures are quite rooted in conventional 
parameters of awareness and perception, if one begins to think about 
what might be involved, any increases of them automatically have soci- 
etal implications. 

Most will recognize this kind of situation, of course. But it needs 



particularly to be pointed up that all forms of psychic perceptions en- 
counter difficulties in this regard. Most forms of psychic awareness 
and perceptions can easily be said to constitute perceptual increases 
beyond the conventional average. 

* 

As it was back in 1989, I sat in the copper wall environment 
twice a day for five working days, each session consisting of forty-five 
minutes. Exceptional dynamic forms of consciousness, and awarenesses 
appropriate to them, gradually began manifesting. 

This was very confusing at first. But over time it could gradu- 


ally be concluded that the whole consisted of perceptions of various kinds 


of energies normally invisible to conventional perceptions. 

With continuous exposure to this kind of thing, the energies 
could be isolated into many overlapping, but reasonably separate cat- 


egories, with three of them seeming to be major: 


Sexualizing energies; Creative energies; And energies having 
to do wit h various kinds of human power. 


34 


0 


m This book, of course, constitutes an extended consideration of 
the sexualizing energies, the importance of which has been quite 
strangely treated by societal concerns, especially those of the modern- 
ist period. 

B At this point, it must clearly be stated that in no way was the 
Voluntary Controls Project at Menninger, or the copper wall experiments, 
•••'I up to enhance perception of sexual energetics. Nor did the design or 
Hon Is of the experiment have any foreseen or expected sexual concomi- 
i ants in the minds of anyone involved - including myself. 


In explanation here, if we abide by the conventional concept 
that sexuality has a lower-order status and spiritual matters have a 
lugher-order one, then the Greens and their co-workers were entirely 
representative of the latter, and in very wonderful ways. 

■ But when, on my part alone, the exceptional types of awareness 

i ommenced, they gradually went from (1) what might be expected (such 
iik enhanced seeing of auras around physical bodies) to (2) what was 
totally unexpected, especially the perception of DYNAMIC energetics 
associated with creative and sexual activity. 


I Part IV of PSYCHIC SEXUALITY comprises my tale of encoun- 
tering various aspects of the dynamic sexual energies - and which are of 
•inch a nature as to test even the most vivid powers of fantasy. 

I Indeed, so fantastic might the dynamic sexual energies seem 

that I would not make an attempt to present them herein unless cor- 
roborative and substantiating historical background could be located. 

r Thus, under the rubric of “tremulous pulsations," I review this 

background as Part I of this book in order to partially reconstruct a -p 
larger panorama what is apparently involved regardin^nergetics not C] I ■ 
generally visible within the limited scope of conventional perceiving. J 

| This background history can be traced to many cultures in an- 

tiquity. But I enter into it during the Renaissance period, which some 
historians indicate as the early beginning of what later came to be known 
as the modern scientific age. 


There is an advantage to entering into the history at the Re 


85 






naissance point Not only does the research topic of human energetics 
become identifiable*, but societal repressions of that research are quite 
well recorded. 


One of the detriments of the history is that in the modernist 
West the topics of sex and sexuality became increasingly taboo during 
the eighteenth cent ury, and the taboo slopped over into the nineteenth. 

Most of the general history we depend on in any official main- 
stream sense was compiled by eighteenth-century historians, who, be- 
cause of the taboo attitudes, bleeped open and frank references to sex 
from their volumes. Thus, except as they pertain to the procreation of 
family lines, the conventional historical overviews from antiquity on- 
ward are sex-less. 




This has made it very difficult to recover information about how 
sex and sexuality were treated in earlier times, and in different cul- 
tures. 

But outside of the pall of conventional modern histories, enough 
has been recovered by intrepid researchers to indicate that sexualizing 
energies (as contrasted to physical sexual behavior) were acknowledged 
as existing in antiquity. 

It is also quite well established that what we today would call 
psychic sexuality was often treated as having ceremonial, cathexis, and 
psychic implications. 

CATHEXIS refers to a ceremonial investment of libdinal en- 
ergy in a person, object or idea. 

| Perception of energetics, invisible to conventional awareness, 
requires that human organisms possess faculties to sense or to “see’ 
them, faculties that can become functional or awakened under various 
circumstances. This kind of “seeing’’ has been scooped into the general 
category called CLAIRVOYANCE. ^ 

That term is a rather recent one, having many nuances not 
immediately apparent. I utilize Part II to sort through several of the 
nuances, thereby hoping to establish a wider comprehension of what is 
involved regarding the wonders of clairvoyance. 

I utilize Part III to present a picture of what happened to me in 
general as a result of sitting in the copper wall environment during 
which lucidity, a super form of clairvoyance, turned on - and why ex 
t inordinary measures were soon required to turn it off. 


36 






l( 


PSYCHIC SEXUALITY 




1 1 1 K BIO-PSYCHIC “ANATOMY” OF SEXUAL ENERGIES 







^ \ V ^ v 1^ 


PART I 



TREMULOUS PULSATIONS 





* o/o-A 

Sc>CA. Ov— V 

B Chapter 1 

I TH E UNIVERSALITY OF SEXUAL ENERGIES 

W Human sexuality has very many facets, faces, and nuances. The 
Mull* of these constitute a collective phenomenon that is monumen- 
tal v complex in its contexts and dimensions. 

m Thus, the exceedingly complex nature of human sexuality does 
IM'I iMisily lend itself to simplified understanding — except in rather gross 
Iff him which themselves often increase confusions instead of sorting 
out or making it possible to grasp the whole of what is involved. 

■ The topic of human sexuality is also very dynamic and charis- 
mm<< •• and this places it among the few topics that have enduring high 
iiHnrvat and fascination in almost all levels of life. 

■ Indeed, during the modern period many thousands of books have 
tarn produced exposing to print various data, statistics, theories, and a 
IMilc assortment of factors which, in some respect, can be associated 
With sexuality-based dynamics. 

V FOUR CONVENTIONAL APPROACHES TO 

^B THE EXAMINATION OF SEXUALITY 

m The general topics of sex and sexuality have suffered extensive 
HMilimions by having been taboo for a number of centuries preceding 
•!»«■ modernist period. Indeed, it became possible only about a hundred 
mom ago to open somewhat organized examinations of sexuality. 

B For the most part during this period, human sexuality overall 
hn» * ended to be officially considered within only four general catego- 
ries 

I What might be called the clinical way is derived from the struc- 
| tural anatomy of the two sexes. 

V The psychological way which tends to discuss sexuality as be- 

I havior. 

.1 Social approaches to sexuality are very likely to discuss it via 
I modes of moral and ethical precepts — and which differ from 
culture to culture, and even among smaller social groupings. 


43 


4 Sexuality can hIho be studied via its “erotic splendors” express 
in some kind of representational form in the arts, music, an 
literature. 

While elements of the four categories briefly enumerated a 
can be inter mixed, societal forces tend to keep them separate, and 
each of them tends to be limited by static mindset boundaries that of 
ten preclude any inter-mixing. 

The four categories, however, have a factor in common, in th 
they establish generalizing contexts that tend to obviate or ignore wha 
individuals dynamically experience. Indeed, what individuals dynami 
cally experience is often at odds with the general, non-dynamic param 
eters of each of the conventional categories. 


Thus, while the contexts of the four categories are interesting 
enough as far as they go, the individual doesn’t benefit very much from 
them in terms of their own dynamic experiencing. 

THE AVOIDED ISSUE OF SEXUAL ENERGIES 

While it might not be the case among all individuals, it is pos- 
sible to suggest that they do not, in the FIRST instance, experience 
sexuality as anatomical, behavioral, or morally, but rather as dynamic 
energies that have sexuality concomitants. 

Indeed, of all the many human activities DRIVEN by “ener- 
gies,” sexual energies seem not only to be the most powerful, but the 
most universally shared by all individuals of our species. 

How the energies are interpreted AFTER experiencing them is 
a matter that does not particularly pertain to the essential existence of 
the energies themselves. 

If the foregoing is considered, it would appear that there can be 
a fifth existing category via which human sexuality can be considered. 
This would be a category of sexual energies, or sexual energetics, but 
which category is seldom examined. 

That a category identified as “sexual energies” does indeed ex- 
ist can be made clear by the following consideration. 

If humans possessed sexual equipment, or sexual response sys- 





lMl d if the sexual equipment was not or never ENERGIZED, then 
..| matters would never come to anyone’s attention. 

Indeed, even if the existence of the sexual whatever was known, 
would know what it was for in the absence of energization. 

In this sense, then, it can be considered that sexualizing ener- 
pn- exist any subsequent manifestation of sexuality, whetherthe 
,U manifestation be anatomical, behavioral, or is subjected to 

Italic considerations. 

So for the purposes of this book, we can more or less leave be- 
,| conventional categories, and focus pnncipaUy on the energy 
»rv There are plenty of sources in the modem world that discuss 
lily in the light of the conventional categories, but extremely few 
discuss it in the light of the basic energetics of the sexualizing 




■ PRE-MODERN CONCEPTS OF SEXUAL ENERGIES 

■ An historical overview establishes that most pre-modern soci- 
d id incorporate what might be called energetic aspects or precepts 

"Tnd^TSS^t societies elevated the sexualizing 

Cril l... to the status of demi gods and goddesses-and see-n to have done ^ 
*, fully aware that they represented not beings per se, but different 
kind* of archetypal energies. , — 

J One of the ironies of the modern world is that alfhough the demi 
and goddesses have been relegated to the realm of unfounded mjrth 
J, *ii|H*rstition, the energizing archetypes are still recognized and uti- 

For example, the Venus and Mars sexual archetypes-which 
about everyone today still recognizes as the principal embodiments 

..I li.ininine and masculine energies. 

■ Beyond that simplicity, people SENSE andtor FEEL sexualiz- 
log energies, and in fact identify and describe them as such. 

V I ndeed, in both pre-modern history and today, sexualizing ene 

-l,. H are described as fields, beams, coils, intrusions, radiances, engu 

.nu ..urns, impacts, energies, touches, el ^ tric ^ 

and etc., all of which have more or less TANGIBLE substance. 


45 



SEXUAL ENERGIES AS TANGIBLE “SUBSTANCES” 


While it is exceedingly difficult to define what these tangible 
substances consist of, they none the less stimulate some kind of sexual- 

‘zing responses in those who experience them, even if the response tends 
to be confusing. 

Now, it must be pointed up that there is nothing strange about 
any of this. 

Most take it on board and deal with the whole of it the best way 
they can. It is even safe to say that most people, to some degree anyway, 
would not live without it. 

In fact, without experiencing some kind of sexualizing energet- 
ics, most would not consider themselves completely alive. 

And that somewhat represents the unofficial status quo regard- 
ing sexualizing energies. Although the status quo has no official plat- 
form, it will none the less be found unofficially endorsed at the indi- 
vidual experiential level— and this universally so among the millions 
and millions, no matter their socio-cultural parameters. 

THE STRANGE SOCIETAL AVOIDANCE OF SEXUAL ENERGIES 

However, an element of strangeness begins to enter in when it 
is realized that the real existence of sexual energies is seldom included 
in the conventional line-up of sexual phenomena. 

This is to say that the phenomena of the conventional line-up 
are officially accepted, while the very real existence of omnipresent 

sexual energies perpetually experienced by each individual human is l 1 
not officially accepted. 

And, as will be discussed ahead, the strangeness takes on height- 
ened intensity because of a peculiar factor — a factor that, itself, is 
strongly avoided by most societal mainstreams. 

This factor comes to light where it can be shown that any at- 
tempts, in modern terms, to research sexualizing energetics, and thus 
to make their existence official, are socially and actively condemned. 

Exactly WHY research into sexualizing energetics is put down 
is something of a mystery. 

Yet another form of strangeness definitely enters in when it 


46 



t hot clairvoyants, sensitives, psychics and healers can, among 
Hlttei 1' Midi of energies, perceive at least some formats of the sexualiz- 

l»l| •UIHriCII'H. 

When perceived, such energies are then given description by 
Ht« • Imii voyants that more or less correspond to what ordinary people 
■Dly jmhi' . r feel in distinctly tactile ways — although the psychic descrip- 
tion* >n4 usually and wonderfully elaborated with colors, textures, 
*1 lights, and various other nuances. 

Like sexualizing energetics, however, the realm of psychic en 
•Het ln> mid perceptions does not enjoy any official socio-cultural ac- 
• • pi uni e, or in some cases not even slightly amenable toleration. 
Ituliinl, the arising of organized psychical research in 1882 (and later 
•!• vchology) was aggressively treated and stigmatized by official 
HiHih'rniflt enterprises. 

The sociological hoopla surrounding mainstream condemnation 
I’m wiih sometimes tremendous, and led to the official disenfranchise- 
mh lit ul any kind of Psi research. 


f The overall result of all this socio-cultural denial has established 

Hu I Hidings of any kind of Psi researchers in a negative light — no mat- 
how careful, real and relevant those findings might be — and thus 
topic of Psi is still considered taboo within our contemporary main- 
ii in sciences and philosophies. 

The cumulative findings of the Psi researchers thus remain as 
iqumlea of rejected knowledge within the contemporary societal main- 

P ox reyec^A 



c -X\ps uleo o | reyc 

EARLY RESEARCH CONTEXTS REGARDING 
SEXUALIZING ENERGIES 


Research into sexualizing energetics, however, inadvertently 
(••gun about three centuries before the inauguration of organized psy- 
• In* ul research in 1882. Although the two kinds of research occasion- 
til h coincided thereafter, the former more or less has acquired its sepa- 
Mile history as^apsules of rejected knowledge. / 


A review of that background history at least makes for interest- 
ing tragic-comic, and often quite hilarious reading. But its different 
• P«h Ii8 also serve as revealing background not only as regards social 
ii instance to sexualizing energetics, but to the field of human energet- 
ics ns a whole. 


47 


I lu> hiatory of the rejected knowledge involving human ener- 
getics began during the Renaissance. 

I Ins was n period when there were still important functional 
distinctions between inanimate and animate energy, and between the 
body-mind concept and the body-energy-mind concept. 

Modern concepts along these lines differ from the earlier ones 

and so we would be in error in applying contemporary understandings 
to them. 

So, as a full part of the rejected history, and in order to achieve 
a more near authentic background, it is necessary to reestablish cer- 
tain definitions and meanings as would have been in use back then. 

The reader might at first think that doing so is far afield from 

the present context of psychic sexuality. But it will illuminate a lot of 

factors, and bring us very much closer to the entire contexts of sexualiz- 
mg energies. 


Chapter 2 


INANIMATE ENERGY— ANIMATE ENERGY 


With the title of this chapter, we encounter a/' m ix of topics so 
•£lMHively complicated that even partially conceptualizing them will 
WMHiire reserves of patience.] But these topics are entirely relevant to 
IMtiiilizing energies, and so untangling them is necessary to achieve a 
l*»i ifrr framework for understanding much that is to follow. 

B. For openers, it is not only important hut necessary to state that 

• 11 hough the modern sciences do distinguish the inanimate (the non- 
living) from the animate (the living), no such distinction is made re- 
coiling inanimate ENERGY and animate ENERGY. 

B But if such distinction was made, we would once more, as we so 
"li on do, encounter the modernist distinctions of the acceptable scien- 

• • lie find the unacceptable unscientific. 

■ Inanimate energy would fall into the scientific category, and 
roughly speaking, animate energies would fall into the unscientific cat- 

w*y- 

B This difficulty, peculiar to the modern scientific age, was not 

•ilwnys the case. 

V THE PRIMITIVE IDEA OF THE “LIFE FLUID” 

I Most pr e^ modern societies held vivid concepts regarding ani- 

iniiting energies. But as the modern scientific period advanced, such 

• onc epts were de valued as primitive and naive, an d hence as unse jen- 

ttficjii4)rinnple. 

I As but one example of the primitive “naivete,” as revealed in 

••nrly anthropology studies, is that “the Life" was flatly identified with 
in energetic animating “fluid" akin to breath or blood, but invisible or 
ethereal and rather more fiery. 

As it was later and often put by early modern critics of the "fluid,” 
t he “etherealization of Life” naively culminated in the view that Life IS 
nn energy-like fluid, but one that is assigned no properties other than 


49 


48 


D\ &iv 


. cjc\*y> - r€VeccA-^cA 

r :„. . • . ( \ i A C l' . P Art V i I . I f 


l ' ’ ~ ' \ i •> 

its power of animating an organism'' U^\SC\o\uuc I 

C°-\tx \oAT) I 

|,h| H “primitive" idea more or less required the existence olan- I 
other format of energy, a Life principle, in addition to the energies that I 
could be derived from inanimate matter. This primitive concept ran I 

counter to the modern sciences after they became infused with the phi- I 
losophy of materialism. I 

Thus, without much in the way of deeper examinationihe primi- I 
live concept of an energetic Life principle independent of matter was A 
hastily relegated to the unscientific category 4-a little too hastily, per- ? | 

a n y 1 n d i cation ° SClent,flC advances in the late twentieth century are I 
fluid had SUght C °" fusio " in a11 this haa to d o with the idea that the I 

ISM But , n K 0 rrr ? h u r than ltS POWer of animatin 8 AN ORGAN. I 

also needed ?if d ^ P ° Wer of ammatin K an organism, it FIRST I 

.Iso needed to have the power of seizing upon and organizing inani- I 

mate matter INTO the format of the organism. I 

However, when science became trenchantly based in material- I 

to^’ave assumed that the Life principle existed it would be found I 
to have a material origin, not an ethereal one. I 

had iatf 1 " an J. event ’ by the turn of the century the modern sciences I 
had jettisoned into the unscientific category the whole of this indepen. I 

dent Life principle thing, especially the concept of the ethereal. I 

But if the sciences were successful in achieving this, an entire I 
new set of problems and confusions emerged. It shortly became quite I 
difficult to explain invisible energies whose existence could not be^on I 
firmed by direct material observation, but could be confirmed by deduc- 

“thouvhM n r«n X ? mPle “r ,V6d thC historical| y accepted phenomenon of 

through ill enCe ( t6r renamed as “telepathy”) across space and 
through intervening material barriers. 

Indeed the thought-transference phenomenon was an insult to 
One of the results of dumping the fluid Life principle and .c- 


50 


kpanying ethereality, was that the entire scenario involving all am- 
■INting energies was first marginalized, and then also dumped. 

K The only factor left was the general idea that life forms are am- 
|if e forms. But this was a residual descriptive contrivance only, 
Imping no scientific substance otherwise. 

B THE MODEL OF MECHANISTIC “WORK” ENERGIES 

I The concept of “mechanistic energies” generally filled in the 
vacuum left by the jettisoned animating energies, even in the so-called 

Life sciences. . . ... . 

| The materialistic sciences indeed proved their worthiness by 

developing, via physics and chemistry, those energies into the stellar 
1 . 1 ..I vivid heights of technological wonders of the Modern Age. 

Energies, as mechanistic, became the model for how energy ot 
•n v kind was to be considered and conceptualized. A brief review of the 

involved here is not only interesting in itself, but somewhat 

... . .mBary with regard to many animating energetic aspects to be pre- 

(wilted ahead. 

| The very great English mathematician and natural philosopher, 

Hlr Isaac Newton (1642-1727), summarized his discoveries in terres- 
i muI and celestial mechanics in a lengthy tract published in 1687. 


The tract was a compilation of mathematical principles of "natu- 
ml philosophy”— later being dubbed as “physics.” 

In Newtonian mechanics, energy was conceptualized as “a prop- 
erly of moving masses.” e , 

But at some point in the later 1700s, the definition of energy 

underwent various changes, and, by the late 1800s, ended up being 

defined simply as “the ability or capacity to do work. * 

Although this definition of energy is brief, it immediately calls 

for an explanation of WORK itself, and of another important factor. 

that of power. 

As noted in many encyclopedias, “in the strict physical sense, 
work is performed only when a force is exerted on a body while the body 
moves at the same time in such a way that the force has a component in 
i he direction of motion.” jn turn, POWER is defined as the rate at 
which work is performed.” 





MAJOR SOURCES OF MECHANISTIC ENERGY 

• Gravitation 

• Energy of rotation 
Energy of orbital motion 

• Nuclear reactions 
Electromagnetic energy 

• Internal heat of stars 

• Sunlight 

• Sound 
Chemical reactions 
Terrestrial waste heat 
Cosmic microwave radiation 

lower levet. Tta n C.mic t r ergy T"!! "°" a from higher *> 

as the ultimate heat sink." In XTwordr k thTsiNK aillat ' 0n ‘‘ deflned 
ultimate in e„e w do g rad.t,on with no iower 

BE 

mechanical motion of bodie^j^ rmed “ S enBBr ** 

5?«5£aSSS5£ 

sss33Si3S3r«a 

exerted, ^ 

ANIMATING ENERGETICS 

Moving now to the term ENERGETIC, it is easy to see why 


■ 


52 


1 

will understand it to mean “marked by energy, operating with 

* Igor <»r effect 1 '— with VIGOROUS being a good synonym. 

ENERGIZE is defined as “to impart energy to, so as to make 

• ncrgetic or vigorous.” 

It is to be noted that the term ENERGETICS is not found in a 
number of respectable sources. If it appears at all, its meaning is usu- 
ally given as “a branch of mechanics that deals primarily with energy 
nml its transformations.” 

f Now, to point up a necessary observation. As defined and de- 

.«• i lin'd above, in the scientific sense ENERGY is fundamentally associ- 
m« «l only with inanimate phenomena (although as sources of kinetic 
PiM'igy some animate resources can be transformed into work.) 

Direct observation can easily establish that animate life forms 
lire marked by potential work energy, often operating with vigor or ef- 
fort, and sometimes can forcefully exert power. 

\ Referring to the list given above regarding scientifically recog- 
nized forms of energy, it can be assumed that animate life forms can be 
affected by any one or all of the forms of energy given. But effected only 
AFTER they have become an animate life form. 

It is true that the listed forms of energy-cum-sources can, so to 
speak, animate WORK. But what about the nature of the energies that 
animate the life-forms that utilize the work? 

( The essential difficulty here is that in the sense of the scien- 
ttfic, i he modern West has on ly one major definition for energy — the 
rap acity for doing work. \ 

w ^ Additionally, that definition can be extended a little in that the 
capacity for doing work is seen as power forcefully exerted. 

However, in the scientific sense these definitions for the most 
part apply to objective mechanistic factors external to the human. 

Even though the terms ENERGY and POWER are applied to 
the human in a popular sense, the human is filled, so to speak, not so 
much with mechanistic energies, but with animating energies. 

These animating energies are not served very well by the mecha- 
nistic definitions of energy/power. So difficulties arise that are ambigu- 
ous and not a little confusing. 




63 


S*.*C\AL. £ 


SEXUALITY AS BEHAVIOR? 

Ah but one example of such a confusion, the nature of sexual 

Z £ eon T Cingly be deecribed “ rustic 

- “ aUSe eVe " th8 m ° St intellectuall y challenged 

tt A c.^Lrofr u ”i a Ltr the w ,dea ° f Mxuai — *■ * 

, the == 

“■ that human s “ u j 

5o^ SC \ t rJCcb y 

that the A h,S be . reviewed fa the chapter, this definition suggested 

£=£==ESSSSs 

Hi S^^SSSS 


ssassssss 


54 




L Modern discussion of reductive behaviorism, however, began 
w.ll. the work of John Broadus Watson (1878-1958), the American psy- 
. ImlogiBt generally credited with originating the modern school of psy- 
chology called behaviorism. 

\ Watson aimed to establish psychology as a science. He held that 

ItwiiuHe states of consciousness are private and thus directly inscru- 
IhIiIi', there could not be a scientific psychology of consciousness. Only 
tbaorvation of behavior would provide the necessary data for a scien- 
tific psychology. 

W Because it is rare for any two behaviorists to generally agree on 
anything of importance, arriving at exact definitions for BEHAVIOR 
havt’ proven to be somewhat illusive. 

ORGANISM— 0RGAN1SMIC 

B| In any event, in its original context, BEHAVIOR is defined as 

"any movement of an organism." . 

r This definition received refinement via the most general delim- 
it,,,, of BEHAVIORISM, which consists of “the observable evidence of 
nrgimismic activity to the exclusion of introspective data or references 
tn consciousness of mind." 

t One can cogitate on these and eventually come up with any 
number of interpretations. But the two definitions respectively reler to 
hi organism” and to “organismic activity” as the subject, while the 
behavior refers to what the subjects do when they can be seen as being 

I This is to attempt to point up that there are important distinc- 

i ions between what an organism IS, and what an organism DOES when 
In movement. 

■ Further, if “introspective data” refers to certain subjective and/ 

... psychological factors that might serve as motivations for the activity, 
(hen the activity takes place in the absence of such motivations. Here is 
something of a complexity— since when we observe an organism exhib- 
tling such and such a motion (behavior), we usually try to comprehend 
why it is doing so and to what ends. 

To transliterate this mess into something that can more easily 
!„• understood, sexual behavior is either caused by or originates in “or- 
ganismic activity,” while the processes of the behavior do not involve 

rither subjective or consciousness of mind processes. 

However confusing this may be, the central message is quite 


55 


S ’-»~ 1 


entirely on rather than “oZT have focused almost 

this focus I, H.mplv vnv,.„r,Hi 0rga k ms u mic activity, and whether 

alleged. ' VO ' Vm ' r,H, ,c thrdl °r on behalf of clinical aspects as 

ORGANIC VITALITY -A FX)RM OF ANIMATING ENERGETICS 

tern, oMS‘ ■ “tal extension of the 

ORGAN, which meant ' instrum ,,r th?r r" f- ” the Greek term 
tions. instrument that functions because of vibra- 


cal instie 8 ;,™^ rtLT,T' y " umb » »f -«*. 

was not HSr?™ “cte 

-ion, excretion, 

meaning that the earlier comprehensT() th Tfh^ t0 th ‘ S ph y sioIo ffi c al 
considerably from later ^ ^ ^ 

referringtophyTclTor 'ZtT * as80ciated with VITALITY 

The pre-m^era^earing^^^ developed, 

istmg as a manifestation of Life.” L ferred 8 PecificaUy to “ex- 

fined as^SrSelha" ^e ItCstf alilT^ ° f Y™US*-de- 
v.taUni.natin, » di . tinct 

» con.id^r“r^Xr d -» 

But here it should be pointed un that 0 ; n 

v cea up that since ancient times ANI- 


M \TK specifically referred to a universally existing “something” that 
Was likened to breath. 

|P Breath is clearly a universal indicator that life is present, and 

*• it could be considered a principle, whether completely understood or 

WL 

The term VITAL referred to this principle, which itself was life. 


V Taking all of the above into consideration, an organism was an 
ihutrument of the life animating principle, an instrument of the life 
• m rgetic principle. By associating the term ORGAN to life, organisms 


unquestionably also associated energetic vibrations to the life principle 
whet her or not embodied in otherwise inorganic matter merely made 
up of physico-chemical forces. 

K And it is then possible to see that the concept of “orgasmic ac- 
tivity” refers only indirectly to behavior, but more directly to some kind 
mI animating activity — as contrasted, for example, with “inorgasmic ac- 
tivity.” 

■ In this sense, the term ORGASMIC is entirely redolent with 
vital, vitalizing, and animating functions. 

I Thus, what the definition of BEHAVIORISM is actually doing, 
i*i allocating behavioristic activity to primary vibrating, vitalizing, and 
.mi mating functions, and which, on their own, manifest secondary re- 
Its identifiable as behavior. 

■ SELF-VIBRATING ENERGIES 

Whether the whole of this small discussion makes sense to vari- 
uuH readers, it is quite visible via sexual behavior. 

This behavior, as most people realize, clearly manifests animat- 
ing functions — and these functions are often in complete defiance of 
whatever serves as introspective data, consciousness and mind. 

Indeed, it is frequently observed that sexual activity “has a mind 
of its own.” 

More simply put, perhaps, sexual behavior is the result of some 
definitely self-animating, self-vibrating energies — and whatever vibrates 
certainly will resonate upon other organisms possessing the necessary 
receptor systems. 


I On definitional grounds alone, it is possible to theorize that 

sexual activity consists of resonating vibrations that can be sensed by 



57 


i oi un 1 1 hum > mid that those organisms will demonstrate some kind 

of muirtfotic reacting. 

None of this can be allocated to, or explained by, body or mind 

alone, or by any mix of body-mind. 

Any explanation of “organismic activity” requires the inclusion 
° r ,ln energetic principle between body and mind, a concept that links 

I ho two into an animate organism. 



t 


Chapter 3 


BODY-1V 



SID versus BODY- ENERGY-MIND 


That the human being consists of only two parts — body and 
jid — is a concept so much taken for granted in the Western societal 
itream that its authenticity is hardly ever questioned. 

Indeed, the body-mind concept in its modern status has been 
•nce-sacrosanct — so much so that mainstream workings can feel jus- 
ified in relegating contrasting phenomena and data into the nebulos- 
ity of the unscientific. 

■ Thus, the modern “image of man” is as body-mind. The culture- 
ul inping influences of this image have been exceedingly strong. The image 
in so powerfully and redundantly prevailing in the overall societal sense 
I hat hardly anyone even knows how to begin challenging it — not even 
intists themselves. 



The image conceptually divides the basic perception of the hu- 
man into two parts. This, of course, is a dualistic dividing, and is in 
keeping with the somewhat demented love affair the cultural West has 
conducted with the reductionism philosophy of dualism. 

I One importance of this dividing is that it omits, or does not 

permit, a logical tripartite dividing that includes human energies, hu- 
man energetics, and phenomena accompanying them. 

■ So it is perpetually difficult, for example, to account for and 

give authentic place to sexual energies, creative energies, mental ener- 
gies, and, as well, to morphological energies that shape inanimate mat- 
ter into animate formats. 

| In order to discuss the concept of the human as body-energy- 

mind, it is first somewhat profitable to review when and why the decid- 
edly faulty dualistic concept became established. 


IMAGES OF MAN 


During the early decades of the twentieth century, anthropolo- 
gists dug deeply into the cultural aspects of past societies. 

Those studies reinforced the concept that human societies need 
what is referred to as an “Image of Man,” in order to have some idea of 






mi 




Wh, „ .hoiiKht MAN (including women) to be. In the past, there- 

loro, li until n HCK'iotiea erected different kinds of images of man based 
on Whatever wan seen as consensus reality by those societies. 

the "m„ ^ 18 “ e u XCeedingly interestln g revelation overall about 
h,t "" 01 H0C ' etal hum «n«- But it has always led into problems- 

3;r‘l y B “ aOC l etieS Which felt that ° n,y one lma & of Man 
was needed, and this was the one THEY had constructed. Many Images 

have como and gone, of course. ges 

future hk.'IvV'f l ' th i modernist bod y-mind Image is, in the nearing 
uro, hkt ly to be replaced as not quite authentic and all-inclusive 

scient,r,c discove "“ ° re ieadinB - 

Many eariy anthropologists noted that different Images of Man 
were established and adopted by each given society. Each society, then 

saw all other Images as useless, and sometimes as a threat to the integ- 
rity and sanctity of its own Image. 

Some wonderful books were produced regarding images of man 
But when investigated species-wide, the fact that there were so many 

images, each differing, clearly established that all Images of Man were 
only artifacts of societal thinking. 

Further, it could be surmised that the realities upon which the 
Images were based might only consist of supposed realities that some- 
how gained mainstream support. 

virtue aCtUa ‘ faCt> the Images were considered authentic only by 

Til l ^ mainstream support. And since most societal mainstreams 

faTem t r autho " tari f' " tendencies, perhaps many Images were in 
act empty of everything but authoritarian insistence and conditioning. 

uoon which antl ? ropoIogical studies fur ther revealed that the realities 
upon which the Images were incorporated could consist as much of the 

rewh? aS °t f re lf By direCt implication - then - the anthropological 
mindsets' 18 Ched Up ° n an 1SSUe quite sensitive to the modernist 

l i * ^h 18 sensitivity specifically involved the authenticity and dura- 

Inlity of the Image of Man that the modem sciences and philosophies 
wore working so diligently to construct. 

I lie most important issue along these lines was that the mod- 
em sciences were working to ELIMINATE illusory, religious and 
■Uperst itionul contexts that the moderns felt had been incorporated into 


60 


>ill earlier Images. But anthropologists more or less suggested that all 
imi rlier societies also had thought they were eliminating the same things. 


Even a hint that the modern sciences, however unsuspectingly, 
might be replacing earlier illusions with new illusions of their own was 
untenable. So various brouhaha's erupted in scientific and academic 
> circles. all eagerly fueled by philosophical Intellectuals. 

These arguments increased in pitch when anthropologists be- 
gun reporting on certain conditions that were notable in earlier societ- 

L f ».m: 

1 awareness of invisible energies 

2 different sexual formats, often ritualized 

3 connections of apparent sexualizing energies 
with “higher powers of mind” 

4 the use of erotic methods to enhance creative 
and psychic capacities 

I I THE MODERN EMERGENCE OF PHILOSOPHICAL DUALISM 

The body-energy- mind concept was entirely visible and relevant | 

during the many decades of the European Renaissance, one of the most 
| nignificant reculturalizing events in human history. 

Indeed, it could be said, with historical justification, that the 
nciences of the Renaissance were focused on cosmic, natural and bio- 
logical “energetics.” 

1 However, at some point during the post-Renaissance decades, 

(his important trinity passed from mainstream consideration, with the 
result that the human was increasingly explained as body-mind only. 

After the disappearance of Renaissance energetics, and until 
t he 1930s Soviet introduction of bio-energetics, no comparable official 

( concept really existed in the modern scientific and philosophical West. 

Although human energies could be talked about in popular, layman 
terms, there existed no official scientific or philosophical substance for 
them. 

The concept of dualism is quite ancient, some of its formats dat- 
| ing back to Manichaeism arising in Persia about A.D. 226. Earlier for- 

| mats are found in ancient Greece and among the even earlier Sanskrit- 





speaking people of India. 


Most dictionaries usually offer three principle definitions of 
DUALISM: 


1 a theory that considers reality to consist of two irreducible ele- 

ments or modes 

2 a view of man as constituted of two irreducible elements 

3 a doctrine that the universe is under the dominion of two op- 
posing principles, one of which is good and the other evil 

Even though dualism does have a lengthy history, the particu- 
ar concept of dualism that came to overwhelm modern thought is ac- 
knowledged as originating from the famous French philosopher and 
scientist, Rene Descartes (1596-1650.) 

Descartes is unquestionably accepted as major among the 
founders of modern thought, but also among the most original philoso- 
phers and mathematicians of any age. 

It is interesting to learn of an unusual element in Descartes' 
early background. On the night of November 10, 1619, while in Ger- 
many, he had certain dreams which he interpreted as a divine sign that 
hxs destiny was to found a unified science of nature. 

At the time of the dream it seemed that this new unity would be 
based on mathematics. He did not, however, immediately set about to 
write works of philosophy or science, but continued to travel widely. 

. .. HlS fir8t substantia * work was “Rules for the Direction of the 
Mind written in 1628-29. Although “Rules" was never completed, what 
did exist was published in 1701, but probably only because Descartes 
had become a philosophical superstar by the time of his death in 1650. 

In November 1628, Descartes was in Paris, where he distin- 
guished himself in a famous confrontation with one Chandoux, who 
held that science could be founded only on probabilities (probability 
theory later becoming a significant issue in physics at about 1928.) 

Descartes eloquently attacked Chandoux, vigorously claiming- 

( 1 ) that only absolute certainty (not probability) could serve as a basis 

of hu man knowledge, and (2) that he himself had a method of establish- 
ing this basis. 

Here is made visible one essential ingredient regarding the 
niMrly absolute charisma Descartes’ thinking was to have, a charisma 


• lull is by no means dispelled even today. 

I Simply put. most humans prefer to deal in absolute certainties 

mther than in amorphous probabilities. Thus, Descartes was not only 
hi become an exponent of certainty, but a comforting icon of it as well. 

As regards Cartesian Dualism. Descartes held, in absolute cer- 
tainty of course, that there are only TWO causally unrelated substances, 
the physical and the mental. 

Accordingly, for Descartes, a human being must be some kind 

• if union of two distinct things: a soul, or mind — and a body. The body is 
part of mechanical nature, the mind, a "pure thinking substance.*' 

Since the body is merely a physical mechanical system, the pure 
thinking substance must be the principle of life that energizes the me- 
chanical system. 

I For Descartes, live bodies differ from dead ones as stopped 

| watches differ from working ones. Moreover, there are many actions 

that the bodily machine performs on its own. without any intervention 
mI the thinking substance (a.k.a., the soul.) 





[ This Cartesian division of the human being into two distinct 

• utegories of body and mind apparently disposed of the "soul’’ which 
was a religious concept by renaming it "mind.” And in this sense, Carte- 
Miun dualism was seized upon by later scientific materialists as the battle 
between religion and science heated up in the eighteenth and nineteenth 
centuries. 

Descartes later changed his mind and became prepared to iden- 
l if y a close union between soul and body as a "substantial union’ ol 
MOTION. He does suggest that this union is in fact a “primitive” and 
thus unanalyzable union. 

Nonetheless, he went to some lengths to analyze it. In fact, his 
increasing analysis led him to have a good deal to say about it, and he 
did so in his PASSIONS OF THE SOUL which he published in 1649. 

As discussed in PASSIONS, the nature of the soul is quite com- 
plicated. But Descartes essentially offered a picture of the soul directly 
moving the pineal gland and thus affecting the "animal spirits, which 
considered to be the hydraulic transmission system of mechanical 

change. 

One might have to struggle a little regarding this concept, but a 
possible clarification is that "hydraulic transmission system” is a kind 



62 





of KiiurKi/iiiK principle. 

IW «. Ioh- picture also referred to what the soul was and wa. 
nol roiiMi'iouH of. hut there are certain difficulties in understanding ex 
m ilv how hi* envisioned this consciousness. I 

In any event, the pineal gland theory offered in PASSIONS was 
not n part of the Cartesian system that garnered wide favor in the de 
vamping patterns of the material, modern sciences. I 

The pineal gland idea, however, found wide favor in the occult ' 
HcmncoH -so called to distinguish those sciences as areas of knowledge 
rejected by the modern science. 

It is somewhat ironical, even humorous, that Descartes ideas 
were* seminal within both the modern materialistic sciences AND the 
modern occult sciences. 


THE HUMAN AS BODY-ENERGY-MIND 

One of the most common overviews of human energies, includ- 
ing those sexual, is that they constitute functions, “drives,” or powers of 
some human aspect that is not actually physical by definition, but un- 
derstood as being quite close to an “instinctual” something or other. 

Most dictionaries give at least two definitions for INSTINCT 
The second one (most usually emphasized in science and academia) 
defines INSTINCT as "consisting of specific responses to environmen 
tal lectors, the responses being hereditary, unalterable, and not involv- 
mg reason. 

However, the term is drawn from the Latin INSTINCTUS mean- 
ing impulse.” Thus, the first definition in English is given as “a natu- 
ral impulse, capacity, or aptitude.” So there is a “conflict” between the 
first and second definitions. 

,, *u ‘V 8 t f ue ‘ hat a “ specific response” can be seen as an impulse. 
On the other hand, the word “specific” can bring up a number of ques- 
ions if one takes time to reflect. A little further thinking can reveal 
that a response is not exactly the same as an impulse. 

The principle reason is two-fold: while a response IS a reaction 

° " Htimulu8 ‘ un '"Pulse, strictly speaking, is not a response or a reao 

Hon. 

I ll* "•filer of this little difficulty is that IMPULSE is taken 
min l he I .ut in I M PULSUS meaning “impel.” In English, therefore. IM- 


64 


I 'l ILSE is defined in ways that cannot really be equated with the defi- 
nitions of RESPONSE. 


IMPULSE usually has at least three definitions: (1) the act of 
1 1 riving onward with sudden force; (2) a wave of excitation transmitted 
t hrough tissues and especially nerve fibers and muscles that results in 
physiological activity or inhibition; (3) a force so communicated as to 


produce motion suddenly. 


The distinction here is that RESPONSE to stimuli obviously is 
i lio effect of some cause, while IMPULSE as to impel is clearly describ- 
ing a cause that will result in effects or responses. 

L Additionally, “a wave of excitation transmitted” obviously re- 
!• i i to some kind of energy, or to some kind of energetic or energizing 
process. 


Furthermore, whether instinct, response, or impulse, none of 
l hem can be random or just flopping about. Otherwise, life forms that 
have them would quickly be reduced to a pulsating mess. Thus, some 
kind of “organizing intelligence” is implicit, and which, by all available 
rlues, is energetic. 


Various problems arise if it is accepted that the physical body is 
the fundamental reality regarding what the human is — because this 
ndegates the human as energy to a less important conceptual place, or 
perhaps to no real place at all. Even if “mind” is added to “body,” this 
dualism still omits “energy.” 

\ In actuality, the human is some kind of a “marriage” of active 

energies and physical body. Indeed, people refer to “body energy” and to 
'mental energy.” It is thus somewhat difficult to see why the energetic 
romponents of the human are NOT included in science, or why human 
energetic phenomena generally fall into the unscientific category. 

And if the energy aspect of the human is SUBTRACTED from 
I he body aspect, and from the mental aspect, then the fate of the body 
will fall apart and back into the inorganic materials of which it is com- 
posed. The fate of the mind is much worse. 


It is true that the rather recent concept of biophysical energies 
does exist. But it is also the case that the term “biology” came into Ger- 
man and French usage only in 1802, and into English usage in 1813. 

Since then, the definition of BIOLOGY (or BIO) has referred to 




the science of physical life, the division of science that deals with “orga- 
nized beings," their morphology, physiology, origin and distribution — 
but does not deal with their energies. 


In the narrower, and most broadly accepted sense, biology re- 
fers to physiology— “the branch of biology dealing with the processes, 
activities, and phenomena incidental to and characteristic of life and 
living matter.” 

In the bio- physiological sense, then, the human is thought fun- 
damentally to be living matter organized into a body. This concept is 
something of a derangement of the actual facts. 

In actuality, the matter itself is NOT living, since the atoms of 
organic and inorganic matter are exactly the same. Indeed, all atoms 
incorporated into any and all physical structures, including the skel- 
etal and electronic nervous system, are gradually but completely ex- 
changed every seven years by new atoms. 

While the concept of biophysical energies has been making a 
slow comeback since the 1930s, the concept of bio-energetic physicals 
has not. 

In other words, we think FROM matter TO energies— not from 
ENERGIES to MATTER. 

But even so, a vital question pertinent to both concepts remains: 
which of energy or body is the cart and which is the horse that pulls the 
cart? This is to ask, do the impulses of energy drive the automobile, or 
do the impulses of the automobile drive the energy. 

Perceptive individuals can recognize that whatever the human 
IS, it is a complex and complicated affair, one that incorporates much 
more than body-mind alone. 

The question can then emerge as to WHY, during modern scien- 
tific times, the most generally shared consensus REDUCES this com- 
plex affair to the simple parameters of the physical body, or to the body- 
mind duality. 

This is a reductionistic concept via which the human as energy 
isn't only set aside, but obviated into obscurity. To discover the WHY of 
Ibis can be helpful, and can lead to greater insights regarding human 
us energy. 


66 




Chapter 4 


ANIMA AND THE LIFE PRINCIPLE 


■ In most simple terms, throughout human history there have 
•ilway8 been various kinds of distinctions between such things as (1) 
rocks that don’t breathe, and (2) life forms that breathe, palpitate, some- 
time8 demonstrate some kind of locomotion, and commence or enter 
into various kinds of activities. 

Admittedly, the above is so simplified as to be almost inane. 
Hut even so, it adequately describes a double set of distinctions that 
wore tremendously important in pre-modern societies — the distinctions 
I m tween the INORGANIC and the ORGANIC— also known as the dis- 
tinctions between the INANIMATE and the ANIMATE. 

1 In order to emphasize the implication here, the pre-modems 

I i.kI neither an overload of opportunities to deaden the real-life obser- 
vational faculties, nor was there any particular kind of information glut 
to stress their memory storage capacities. 

I In explanation of this, there is a good deal of anthropological 

evidence indicating that such primitives devoted a great deal of obser- 
vational time to what characterized the living from the not living — and 
in doing so became more sensitive to the existence of energetics. 

I Of course, such primitives did not possess the term ENERGET- 

ICS. And so they utilized terms more familiar to them. Those terms, 
when examined, clearly refer to something along the lines of energizing 

principles. 

[ As described earlier, modem societies distinguished themselves 

f rom pre-modem societies by various methods — such as condemning 
the pre-modems as superstitional, naive and primitive, and engulfed 
in myths having no credible basis within the modem philosophies and 

sciences. 

As it happened, though, since language is a fluid-like thing that 
flows from generation to generation, the modern societies could not al- 
ii igether rid themselves of the pre-modem terms. 

But meanings could be altered, and in this way the old mean- 


« 7 






ings could be retired back into the primitive and unenlightened pas 
and new meanings could be assigned to old terms. 

One not unusual fall-out of this is that people utilize THEI 
contemporary meanings to assess the past, and are somewhat oblivioi 
to the tact that in the past the meanings were different, and sometim 
radically so. An example of different meanings can be realized by exam- 
ining the word INFLUENCES, influences, of course, being one of the 
major constituents of sexual energies. 

INFLUENCES 

Of particular interest is that many terms used in modern times 
to identify THINGS were utilized in antiquity and up through the Re- 
naissance period to specify various kinds of “influences.” 

The important distinctions in this regard are difficult to clarify, 
for at least three significant reasons. 

First, although the concept of influencing has never been lost, 
the modern two-part formula of cause-effect is quite different from the 
three-part formula of pre-modern times. 

Second, there are primary distinctions between the verb TO 
INFLUENCE and the noun AN INFLUENCE. The noun implies that 
an influence is an actual thing in itself, having its own identity. The 
verb implies an activity of some kind, usually a transient activity. 

Third, although a cause or source can be seen to have influ- 
enced something else as an effect or result, the influencing process 
BETWEEN the cause and the effect tends to remain invisible. 

In the light of the above considerations, it is thus possible, if 
only roughly so, to discern the essential differences between the mod 
ern and the pre-modern ideas of the cause effect formula: 

The Three-part Pre-modern Formula 
CAUSE <-> INFLUENCE <-> EFFECT 
The Two-part Modern Formula 
CAUSE -> EFFECT 

In considering these two general formulas, it is interesting to 
ii'inxmber that the study of the nature of influences was of extraordi- 



nary interest to the thinkers of the Renaissance. 

K But as the Renaissance vision came to a somewhat unexplain- 
ii l*lc end at about 1670, scientific and philosophic interest in the nature 
nf influences had vanished almost entirely by the beginning of the twen- 
I inth century. 

Thus, no science of influences evolved during the modernist 
period. The avoidance in this regard is important, in that many phe- 
nomena exist (sexualizing activity, for example) that cannot be ad- 
equately explained in the absence of knowledge about influences. 

■ One clearly recognizable reason for this omission was that up 
until the advent of quantum physics, the modern sciences principally 
mnsidered only physical and tangible phenomena where causes and 
effects could easily be observed and verified. 

I There remained, however, many “effects" for which no physical 
• nuses could be determined — such as how inanimate matter becomes 
organized into animate organisms. 

■ Another reason, not so recognizable, but which can be identi- 
fied by research, was that the topic of INFLUENCES had socio-politi- 
i ill ramifications regarding power and empowerment. And indeed, in- 
fluence and power have always been almost synonymous. 

K In the light of the above considerations, we can now examine 

the established definitions of INFLUENCE. 

I The verb, TO INFLUENCE, is defined as “to affect or alter by 

indirect or intangible means; to have an effect on the condition or devel- 
opment of something; also, to sway.” 

I The noun form, (an) INFLUENCE, is taken from the ancient 

Latin INFLUERE (to flow in), and as such has some surprising defrni- 
I ions that have been carried into English, although shoved to the back- 
ground. 

1 An ethereal fluid thought to flow from the cosmos and stars and 

[ to affect the actions of men 

2 An emanation of hidden, intangible power held to derive from 

I non-tangible sources* 

3 The act or power of producing an effect without apparent exer- 
tion of force or direct exorcise of command 

M 



<1 Tin* power or capacity of causing an effect in indirect or intan- 
gible WUVH 

definitions share an obvious constituent, but which is 

K ,v "" vorbnl form, but is clearly indicative of an energetic principle. 

'Hi flow from so as to affect, emanation, act or power of produc- 
" 1 K * HIW, ' r of causing— all these are more than suggestive of hidden, 
ml eligible, ethereal active principles, but which none the less have tan- 
gible effects. 

In other words, to flow, to emanate, to produce, to cause, etc., 
are active, energetic principles. If they were not, it is quite difficult to 
see how they could influence anything at all. 

One additional definition for INFLUENCE as both a noun and 
a verb is usually tucked somewhere into the lineup of its definitions: 
"Corrupting interference with authority for personal gain.” In that in- 
fluences might be "corrupting,” authority in general doesn’t like the 
idea of their existing. 

And herein indeed exists a particular, if subtle, story quite rel- 
evant to why the modern West never developed a philosophy, a science, 

or a psychology, of invisible, intangible, energetic influences and func- 
tions. 

AS We WiU SeC ’ thi8 8Ubt,e St0ry has much to do with how and 
WHY the decidedly energetic phenomena examined ahead were treated 
in modernist societal contexts. 

THE LIFE PRINCIPLE 

It can be said of the modern period that no absolute philosophi- 
cal or scientific explanation was considered necessary regarding the 
nature, essence and energies of what the ancients had generally dubbed 
the LIFE principle. 

However, in terms of recorded history the need to do so was felt 
from at least 3,000 B.C., and continued up through the Late Renais- 
sance-after which the modern sciences and philosophies departed from 
nnything remotely involving supernal considerations. 

Prior to the modern epoch, then, the need for a conceptual life 

principle had always been necessary, and this called for appropriate 

nomenclature. 


70 


H In a number of cultural languages, the basic terms selected al- 
most always had to do with “breath,” since that is what living things 

liasically did. 

They also stopped breathing upon death, at which time it was 
conceived that the “breath of life” had departed from the physical body 
now empty of the life principle. 

H After the Life Principle departed, the body was no longer ani- 
mated and turned back into its material “dust.” 


■ ANIMA 

[ Although certainly deriving from earlier languages, the Latin 

term for this life-breath principle was ANIMA — in the first instance 
probably taken as meaning “breath.” 

However, as already stated, since it could easily be determined 
I hat the physical body ended up as non-living dust, it was considered 
that the life principle consisted of something other than, and indepen- 
dent from, the dust. 

I In LATE Latin (i.e., not in EARLY Latin), ANIMA also was taken 

to refer to “soul,” in that soul represented the breath-factor of the life 
principle. But there are certain subsequent confusions. 

I The Latin ANIMA basically referred a life principle typified by 

breath; but in ancient times, there were concepts that referred to en- 
tity-like factors designated by the term SOUL or its many linguistic 
equivalents. 

I At some early point, ANIMA and SOUL became collapsed into 

each other, the earlier distinctions becoming ambiguous. 


[ SOUL 

In English, the soul concept is derived not from Latin but from 
early Old Nordic and Old Germanic sources. However, the terms “ani- 
mate” and “animated” were incorporated into the principle definitions 
of “soul." 

The earliest meanings of SOUL in Old English first referred to 
"animate existence," but this wiih later incorporated into “the principle 
of life in man or animals." 

Somewhat later in English, bill still very early, SOUL was also 
established as referring to “the principle of thought and action in man, 


71 



m„„ly regarded as an entity distinct from the body; the spiritual 
part of man m contrast to the purely physical.” 

SOUL also occasionally referred to “the corresponding or analo- 
Koub principle in animals.” 

By about 1400, the concept of SOUL had taken on a number of 
meanings referred to as metaphysical-“the vital, sensitive, or rational 
principle in plants, animals or human beings.” 

~ . , T °/ ay : having in general lost touch with metaphysics, we would 

u J fficult f 0 see wh y those vital, sensitive, or rational qualities 
should be considered as metaphysical. 

In any event, SOUL was also used “frequently with distinguish- 
ing adjectives, such as vegetative, sensible or sensitive, rational or rea- 
sonable. 

. U,- The foregoing tour among definitions has been necessary to es- 
tablish two factors regarding ANIMA and SOUL that are often over- 
looked, but which are important to the several contexts of this book 

Both words define not THINGS per se, but TWO functions. The 
first has to do with the life principle that distinguishes between the 
inanimate and the ANIMATED. The second function establishes addi- 
tional or inherent factors of the animating life principle, such as the 
sensitive and sensible qualities. 

Temporarily leaving aside the rational or reasonable factors 

associated to them, the sensitive and sensible qualities are SENSATE 
ones. 

. Since sensate factors are not particularly identifiable with mat- 
ter which is usually considered inert, it must be assumed that sensate 
actors are inherent and inseparable extensions of an animating life 

orm that, by virtue of the animating factors, is endowed with faculties 
to sense whatever is important to sense. 

_ 1' ■ • nm the sensing of invisible, intangible influences, such 

as sexualizing influences whose existence almost anyone can sense. 

! ndeed, it is exquisitely necessary to sense influences. After all 
i t is rather too late to avoid effects AFTER they have come down on one. 

His. any animate life form that is not sensate regarding the sensing of 
influences will probably and promptly be clobbered into extinction. 

With all of this, it can now be suggested that it is possible, in 
-.Mnewhiit vulgarized versions, to consider and discuss the animate and 
h " "°" 1 WI 1 IIOUT necessarily including the sensate influencing at- 


72 




1 1 ibutes of either or both. Indeed, except in a usually gross material 
manner, knowledge about what animate life forms can and do sense is 
almost NON-EXISTENT. 

V Also during the modern period, it became possible to drop the 
concept of ANIMATE and simply refer to life forms only as life forms. 
This neatly disposed of the inconvenient difficulties arising out of the 
enigma posed by the nature, essence and energies of the animating life 

principle. 

■ ANIMAL 

B The term ANIMAL is derived from the Latin ANIMA and which 
basically referred to animating breath. 

B Tbday, ANIMAL is principally utilized to distinguish whatever 
is alive but which, on the one hand, cannot be identified as a plant, or, 
i m the other hand, is not to be identified with MAN, and most certainly 
never with WOMEN. 

| In its earliest and most original Latin meaning, however, 

ANIMALIS specifically referred to ‘anything living/’ which is to say, 
anything alive, breathing, and “having the breath of life.” 

In this sense, then, the term ANIMAL was associated with such 
terms as ANIMATING and ANIMISTIC. 

Later concepts of ANIMAL SPIRIT or ANIMAL SOUL had to 
do with “the supposed ‘spirit’ or principle of sensation and voluntary 
motion, and answering to nerve fluid, nerve force, or nervous activity.” 

Please note that the definition of ANIMAL SOUL given just 
above is considered obsolete, largely because the idea of soul as animat- 
ing energy was also declared obsolete. 

All of these factors having been declared obsolete, it was then 
possible to consider that the sole energy aspect of a life form involved 
only what it consumed as nutritional substances acquired from some 
source external to itself. 

At this, the concept of a formative, indwelling energetic prin- 
ciple could be abandoned, together with the ideas of indwelling nerve 
fluid, nerve force, and nervous activity. 

Thereafter, concepts having to do with indwelling energies arose 
only with regard to human creative energies, human power, and hu- 
man sexualizing energies. It cannot really he said that these types ol 

711 


energetic activities exclusively arise from nutritional substances alone. 


the tera^ANIMALIS was sometimes ^ Medil ™l ^ 

but at ^ 

mostly to "brute fore? "bru'tf force ’ refe ™i 
rior animals.” Dru te beasts and. as time advanced, to “infe 

meaningt^antZ * tae^^ ™ 

“animal soul” — which likewise referred?' ani^ 880 from the concept of 
those energies something of an enti^-likeToTm energ0t '“’ but Bave 


evant is entirely rel 

how and why it came into existence ld<mtify more preciae ly 

PHY riS ri ght V0 i u s e ? of THE encyclopedia op philoso 

MAI. SOT IT TKn* ^ y • c “ rnes a rather extensive entry for AMI 
tries in the eight volumes. mg ’ ,f n0t outn & bt hilarious en 

aonage ~“-t» the per 

and scientist. As is stated in ^ySo *^" 088 ^ phil »"«Pher 

chief among the founders who designed th^contoZT' S ’ 80 '”'? 8 Was 
and among the most original 

"concept^ of the^nfmal soT d *T P °“ t! “ p «■« ‘he 

until the seventeenth century, when H° T' 8 ? 10U8 problem! 

tinctions which had been latent in the 


mgly surrounded the animal soul or mind and V b ^ lncreas 
indicators of a number of fundi mpnt I ^ d th ® y became “sensitive 
and science.” fundamental issues ,n modem philosophy 

‘.on. ^ St 0 tl H e ',!: ad P ° 8tUhted «— 

h«d the functions of „„„r,s h ment an’d repZult" 


74 


mIko endowed with sensation, motion, and all degrees of mental func- 
tions except reason. 

■ Aristotle reserved reason for man, but his gradations from in- 
• 1 1 to reason precluded a sharp discontinuity between physical and 
mental functions in man. 

■ To help resolve various resulting theoretical complexities, 
I )escartes advanced the concept that “animals are pure machines, while 
men are machines with minds.” 

I Further, if biological phenomena could be included in the do- 

main of Descartes' idea of a universal physics, “then a boundary would 
no longer lie between inanimate and animate beings.” 

■ Physics would then include all of nature except the mind of man. 
Note that it is somewhat of a wonderment to consider what an inani- 
mate being might consist of. 


I The Kncyclopedia goes on to state that after the discovery of the 
circulation of the blood, Descartes “was encouraged to attempt a gen- 
eral mechanistic physiology in hydraulic terms.” 

■ He argued that most human motions do not depend on the mind, 
mid he gave examples of physiological functions and reactions which 
• Hicur independently of the will— functions such as digestion, reactions 
Much as sneezing. 


Descartes went on to stipulate that in man the mind could also 
direct the course of the fluid (or animal spirits) which controls move- 
ments. However, to attribute minds to animals would threaten tradi- 
tional religious beliefs, “since the psychological concept of mind was 
conflated with the theological concept of soul.” 

To help resolve THIS problem, Descartes argued that it would 
"be impious to imagine that animals have souls of the same order as 
men, and that man has nothing more to hope for in the afterlife than 
flies and ants have ” 

Similarly, “God could not allow the sinless creatures to suffer. 
Without souls, animals would not suffer, and man would be absolved 
from guilt for exploiting, killing and eating them.” 

One of the longer-term results of Descartes’ ideas, many of which 
became modernist doctrines, was that the distinction between man-mind 
and animal-beast became more recognizable, largely because, in a philo- 
Hophical sense, the distinctions tended to inflate men’s appreciation of 
man. and relegated animals to a lower order. 



75 


points up that the debate of the animal soul 

* tortuous. The central issue, however, did not actually 

""»"•! machine and man-machine-with-mind hypotheses 

adequacy of mechanistic explanation to account for 

••II l'i>.l>> M .< al and psychological phenomena. 

IVlnr to Descartes, the search for mechanistic explanation had 

"" " r I"" concept of Final Cause and Purpose— i.e., with regard 

specially of animate life forms and their purpose of their 

In other words, is mechanistic explanation adequate to account 
• h.i only lor the mechanistic (hydraulic) workings of biological and psy- 
chological phenomena, but also for origin and purpose? 

Descartes coped with this difficulty in an expeditious and sur- 
gical manner: he excluded explanation-by-purpose from physics and from 

biology. 

This was very comforting to societal mainstreams, since they 
no longer had to worry about THEIR Final Cause and Purpose Thus 
purpose has remained excluded from the modern mainstream sciences 

ever since. Indeed, the exclusion of Purpose is convenient to the elimi- 
nation of conscience. 

In any event, the nature of Purpose (the Why of things) was an 
issue of enormous antiquity, in all pre-modern cultures, and was inex- 
tncably bound together with the Life Principle. 

Eliminating Purpose from the science of physics and from biol- 
ogy served quite well in also eliminating the difficulties of admitting 
the existence of a life principle. 

So, these theoretical maneuvers had the long-term effect of set- 
ting science free of metaphysical contexts, and free of the mysteries of 
how and why matter came into existence and how it became animated. 

Thereafter, as the Encyclopedia indicates, “adherence to the 
animal-machine doctrine in physics and biology became the crucial test 

of loyalty not only to Cartesianism, but a test of loyalty to the formats of 
the modern sciences.” 

One of the principal fall-outs of all this was the widening of the 
gull between man-machine and beast-machine— with the term ANIMAL 
thereafter being associated with beast- machines having no souls. 

This ultimately resulted in ANIMAL being dissociated from con- 
l"XtH ol animate, organized, living, and redefined the term exclusively 


76 




“one of the lower animals — a brute, or beast as distinguished from 

man." 

I As stated in the Encyclopedia, “there has been no peace'* since 

I VHcartes’ theories became science doctrines. The doctrines “have proven 
inadequate” in the light of the theory of evolution, the methods of mod- 
• i n psychology, and of cybernetics — and the emergence of Soviet and 
Chinese bio-energetics. 

I This somewhat extended discussion of ANIMATE and ANIMAL 

Iuih been necessary since it sets the ground for the next chapter dealing 
with the energies studied by the Renaissance magnetists, and the fol- 
lowing chapter on animal magnetism and its direct association with 
mixualizing energies. 




Chapter 5 



■ The specific phenomena of profound interest to the magnetists 
of the Renaissance period was later erroneously lumped into one or 
nunther of three categories: occultism, spiritualistics and hypnotism. 

■ This indiscriminate lumping served to erase the early contours 
i (I energetic magnetism, and subsequent work of its kind, as a clever 
M metal maneuver to place the topic of energetic magnetism into the 
unscientific category of modernist thought. 


■ DEFINITION OF RENAISSANCE MAGNETISM 

To the Renaissance thinkers, MAGNETISM was identified as a 
vital effluence radiating from every object in the universe, in a greater 
nr lesser degree, and through which all objects might exercise a mutual 
r Influence on one another. 

■ From this concept the idea of the “sympathetic system” was for- 
mulated. In the case of organic systems, the idea roughly meant that 
those systems were subject to being influenced by transmission of “vi- 
brations”— although that term had not yet come into the full popular 
usage it was to acquire much later. 

■ The eventual unfolding of the contrasts between the scientific 
i uid the unscientific consigned the Renaissance ideas to the latter cat- 
egory until they were recovered in vague part by the 1960s concept of 
the interconnectedness of everything working via sympathetic systems. 


Since the early magnetists experimented and worked with mag- 
nets, especially with regard to healing, it is generally assumed that the 
term MAGNETISM was derived from the term MAGNET. This deriva- 
tion is certainly possible. 


But it is more likely that the term came from the concept of 
M AGNES MICROCOSMI, which in Renaissance thought referred to 
Man as a microcosm of Earth itself, and as such having poles and mag- 
netic properties. 


79 



THIS concept also incorporated the MAGNES MACROCOSMI— 
the planets, stars and cosmos — from which came “subtle effluence” that 
influenced and affected man’s body, energies, mind and intellect. These 
macrocosm effluences combined with “earthly substances radiating a 
grosser emanation,” and the mixed whole of which affected the body. 

The MAGNES MACROCOSMI and MAGNES MICROCOSMI 
concepts in principle are magnetic-energetic concepts, and as such can 
easily be incorporated into the contexts of influences and energetics. 

THE SYMPATHETIC SYSTEM OF THE RENAISSANCE EPOCH 

The venerable Swiss-born physician, Paracelsus (1493-1541), 
is probably the best remembered of the Renaissance magnetists. He 
may have originated the “sympathetic system” concept, and certainly 
was its most energetic proponent. 

But in the modernist historical sense he is more usually pointed 
up as an alchemist, which attribution tends to stigmatize the whole 
body of his work. More correctly described, he was a researcher of ener- 
getics and sympathetic energy systems. 

However, his whole body of work was extraordinarily large. It 
encompassed many other topics such as chemistry, metallurgy, herbal 
remedies, and what later came to be known as homeopathic healing. 

Paracelsus was noted during his times by his “egotism" and con- 
tempt for traditional theories, earning him large doses of enmity from 
certain of his contemporaries. In the last analysis, however, he had great 
influence in his own and succeeding centuries. Upon his death, a statue 
was erected to him in Salzburg. 

A later influential magnetist was Jan Baptista van Helmont 
(1577-1644), a Flemish physician, chemist, and natural philosopher 
(natural philosophy being later dubbed as physics.) By any measure 
today, Helmont was a substantial thinker and researcher. 

He discovered carbon dioxide, distinguished gases as a class of 
substances, and is credited with introducing the term GAS in its present 
scientific sense. 

He attributed physiological changes to chemical causes, but, as 
most official modernist sources stipulate, his conclusions “were colored 
by his speculative mysticism.” 

Thin ■‘mysticism" is an oblique, stigmatizing reference to the 
hi. I l liul I lelmont was an energetic proponent of magnetism anil of the 



sympathetic system. 

As he wrote: “Material nature draws her forms through con- 
Hiiint magnetism from above, and implores for them the favor of heaven, 
mid as heaven, in like manner, draws something invisible from below, 

I Imre is established a free and mutual intercourse, and the whole is 
iiiiltained in an individual.” 

Further, he established or embellished the concept that magne- 
I Hum was either composed of a "subtle fluid, or that the subtle fluid was 
il.m medium via which magnetism affected whatever it did. 

He then proceeded to offer up an observation of the type that 
Iiiih, as we will see, consistently proved to be a societal faux pas. He 
■ ■ Indicated that it was possible for the "power of the will to direct the 

I subtle fluid.” 

Helmont doesn't seem to have been the type to offer remark- 
l( |,l«. observations like this in the complete absence of evidence, and so 
j there must have been veridical and empirical grounds for him to do so. 

In any event, this observation can easily be connected to the 
I modern parapsychological issues regarding psychokinesis on the one 
I hand, and healing by sympathetic manipulation of the “subtle fluid" 
nura of the physical body on the other. 


■ Helmont went on to make public another observation, one cer- 
tiiin to embroil societal concerns even of his times. "I have hitherto 
« voided revealing the great secret— that the strength (of the vital fluid] 
him concealed in man, [and that] merely through the suggestion and 
power of the imagination to work outwardly, and to impress this strength 
„n others, which then continues of itself, and operates on the remotest 

1 objects." 

■ Furthermore, as “proof of the mutual magnetic influence of liv- 
mg creatures,” Helmont asserted that by certain manipulations of the 
vital fluid during the "ecstasy" of the inner magnetic man, “men may 
kill animals merely by staring hard at them for a quarter of an hour.” 

I With this statement is found one of the earliest references to 

'ecstasy” — which of course has several formats, but among which is 

I aexualizing ecstasy. 

Here is also a very early mention that has to do with "learning 
how" to manipulate the vital fluids— a prospect being viewed forever 
idler with some kind of societal alarm. 




■ 


HI 


VITAL FLUIDS OF REPULSION AND ATTRACTION 
p Jbf of magnetics” was picked up by others, among which 

was Robert Fludd (1574-1637). 

Identified as an English physician, most official historical 
sources also describe him as a “mystic philosopher educated at Oxford 

of ParaceLus ” tlnent ’ ^ 8tr ° ngly influenced b y tb «* mystical doctrines 

Aside from the misuse of the term “mystical,” Fludd was an 
exponent of the microcosmic/macrocosmic theory of sympathetic sys- 
tems, and of the magnetic effluence from man. 

, TJ 11 j d Indlcated th at not only “were these emanations able to 
cure bodily diseases. They also affected the moral sentiments. 

For if radiations from two individuals were, on meeting, flung 
back or distorted negative magnetism, or antipathy resulted. Whereas 
d the radiations from each person passed freely into those from the 
other, the result was positive magnetism of sympathy.” 

ATTRACTION' 1 m ' ght ^ ° bserVed ' radiation8 of REPULSION or of | 

HEALING BY MAGNETIC STROKING 

It is somewhat difficult to reconstruct the story of magnetic/ 
energetic applications during the Renaissance decades. Magnetics re- 
search has been better remembered by its theories. Not much has sur- 
vived about its practical applications, especially with regard to healing 
None the less, the evidence is clear that the practical side was 
by no means neglected, and a large number of magnetic healers emerged 
during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. 

v i .• A1 ‘ houg t 1 , not the first ’ but among the most memorable, was 
Valentine Greatlakes, an Irishman born in 1628. At some point in 1662 

he had a dream, several times repeated, that he could cure by laying on 

of hands, or by “magnetic stroking” as it came to be called. 

Although not always successful, he seems to have performed a 
surprising number of cures in Ireland and then in London where a num- 
ber ol notables attested to his accumulating status as a “divine healer.” 
News of his healing powers, coupled with news about the invis- 
ible existence of magnetic energies, spread far and wide, and patients 


82 


i Mine by the hundreds to seek the benefits of his stroking. 



Somewhat later, during the eighteenth century, another famous 
••linking healer appeared in the form of a Swabian priest named J. J. 

lliissner. 

f Biographical details of Gassner are a little hard to come by, but 

Im* is noted as a priest of Bludenz (now in Austria), where his many 
cures gained wide celebrity for him. 

K He apparently had deep learning and a noble character, and 
Muinetimes made use of magnets, “magnetic manipulation,” and strok- 
ing or rubbing the affected part. However, according to him, all dis- 
cuses were caused by “evil spirits,” this idea having a tradition extend- 
ing back to the ancient Greeks. 

I However he explained causes, not only could he control “sick- 
m*ns” by whatever means he employed, but the “passions" too were 
amenable to his means. 

I Among example “passions” enumerated in various literature 
were anger, patience, joy, hate, and love, and the “passion” of sexual 
impotence — each of which, by magnetic stroking, could be brought un- 
der control by “carrying each to the highest pitch.” 

1 “Highest pitch” apparently referred to a type of ecstatic cathar- 

sis. a purgation or cleansing release of traumatizing physical and/or 
mental “tensions” — often, but not always, accompanied by transient 
types of neuromotor convulsions not unlike the ecstasies of sexual or- 
gasm. 

The “ecstasies” released, or purged, the “tensions.” And where 
this worked, Gassner could chalk up another “cure." 

In about 1766, the magnetic stroking of J. J. Gassner attracted 
the attention pf Franz Anton Mesmer, and whose name ultimately was 
to tower over all others. 




Chapter 6 


MAGNETIC FORCE— ANIMAL MAGNETISM 


The saga of Franz Anton Mesmer was exceedingly dramatic and 
• (tended far beyond his death. It resulted in a veritable Age of Mesmer- 
ism, the vitality of which took on international interest and fascination 
t hut endured for about 140 years. 

I Indeed, such was the strength of Mesmerism that it came to 
constitute one of the first international movements of any kind. And its 
international vivacity was such that the anti-energetic sentiments in 
the mainstream modern sciences did not succeed in deconstructing it 
until about 1920. 

r Even then. Mesmerism left three long shadows of itself: the first 
in the guise of hypnotism; the second in the guise of psychical research; 
t he third in the guise of the energetic mysteries of sexual energies. 

I FRANZ ANTON MESMER 

France Anton Mesmer (1733-1815) was born in Switzerland at 
Weil, near the city and lake of Constance. By all accounts, he was of 
copious intelligence and a somewhat high-minded individual, whose 
thinking was completely in keeping with his times. 

Modern historians seldom consider him as a person within his 
times, but assess him according to modern standards as they later de- 
veloped. And by those later standards, Mesmer’s activities consisted of 
one strange folly after another. 

He was educated in Vienna where he took a degree in medicine. 
As his doctoral thesis he produced a study entitled DE PLANETAR UM 
INFLUXU (the influence of the planets on the human body). 

In modern contexts, this document is mistakenly condemned as 
Mesmer’s “astrological thesis.” But in his times, and as we have al- 
ready seen, the thesis examined magnetic energetic influences that were 
thought to be universal in nature. 

Mesmer observed that the action of the magnetic influences “con- 
sists of alternating effects which may be considered as fluxes and re- 
fluxes" of sympathetic systems. 


85 

— i ■ ... ■— — — 




I lit "II.., "i,, th«- human body with properties analo 

H- '"' |x»l«‘s. diverse and opposed which c an he 

' ' M"d, destroyed and reinforced: the phenomenon of 

1,11 "lull i it is nUh tiliHorviible." 

In Islet summarizing his thesis, he indicated that "the property 

"" I • ANIMATE] body which renders it susceptible to the 

litiHNhcli. | Influence of the celestial bodies, and to the reciprocal action 

•' Ironing (local environmental) ones, 1 felt prompted to name, 

"i .logy to the magnet, animal magnetism.” 

As discussed in chapter 4. please hear in mind that the contexts 
Me..,,..', was using referred not to "animal” magnetism, but to ANT- 

M M INI! magnetism and that, during his times, this usage was un - 

del sloe id and accepted. 

MEDICAL USES OF MAGNETIC “PLATES" 

Mesmer was one of the many physicians who were exploring 
cures and healings via magnets. Mesmer apparently innovated, designed 
and constructed his own version of such plates. By applying his magne- 
tized plates to a patient’s limbs, he effected his first cures in about 1 773. 
Unfortunately, what these plates consisted of has been lost. 

But probably analogous to them are various magnetic plates 
designed in Japan during the 1980s, which also produced cures. 

Further, the application of weak electromagnetic currents to 
bone fractures and ulcerous infections has been confirmed as speeding 
up healings and cures. (See, for example, THE BODY ELECTRIC by 
Robert O. Becker, M.D., and Gary Selden, 1985.] 

Mesmer came to special public attention because of a bitter 

and quite public, controversy involving the invention of his plates. 

The priority of this invention was claimed by a Jesuit priest 

having the curious name of Maximillian Hell, a professor of astronomy/ 

astrology at the University of Vienna. Mesmer won this claim, but was 

quickly involved in another controversy involving his cure of a blind 
girl. 

At some point between 1770 and 1775, Mesmer was among the 
many physicians and intellectuals who witnessed a number of cures 
eilected by the strokings of J. J. Gassner without the use of magnets. 

Because of this, Mesmer correctly conceptualized that the hu- 
man body possessed a magnetic “field,” and that such fields could affect 




86 




I * hi h other. Mesmer thereafter disposed of the magnets. 

For a fresh start he abandoned Vienna as well and traveled to 
I l»n Paris, the City of Lights. 

H MAGNETIC “VATS” 

■ Installed in Paris, he quickly developed novel techniques and 

iH|iupment to effect cures. The exact nature and materials of the new 
oquipment have again been lost to posterity. But not their impact, re- 
uniting scandals, and the extraordinary controversies that came to sur- 
round the very name of Mesmer. 

■ The equipment Mesmer designed consisted of several versions 

«f a large circular vat (in French, BAQUET), filled with “certain sub- 
ntiinces” that apparently consisted of mixtures of various metals and 
■luirds of glass. Whatever the substances consisted of, they served to 
“collect animating magnetism” and transfer it and its sympathetic quali- 
Iich to the sympathetic systems of the patients. 

■ The theory was that the “certain substances” collected and am- 

plified the magnetic forces, and then, via hand-held connectors, the forces 
wore transferred to and resaturated the sympathetic systems inherent 
in the bodies of the patients. • 

I The methods utilized to effect the transfer tend to boggle the 

■ imagination. 

I The patients sat around the baquets in communal groups, each 

holding a metal or glass rod, or a mere copper wire or string of thread, 
the other end of which was pushed into the substances in the vats. 
Mesmer erected several circular vats, each about a foot high, and ex- 
|M*rimented with a number of hand-held “connectors” that served as 
conduits for the animating (or re-animating) magnetisms. 

I There is no doubt that some cures were attained for ailments 

Ntrictly physical in their cause, but even more cures were obtained re- 
garding illness mental (psychosomatic) in origin. Even Mesmer himself 
indicated that his “techniques” better dealt with what we today would 
refer to as conditions psychosomatic in origin. 

Indeed, as a physician, Mesmer usually, and correctly, first sent 
physically ill patients to other doctors, and otherwise accepted them 
only if physical remedies were of no effect. 




H7 


'l l IK KNKKGEHC PHENOMENA OF THE VATS 

Although tlm exact material constituents of the circular com- 
-mum I vntM have been lost, the nature of the energetic phenomena ex- 
perienced by the "patients" has not. 

A " described (usually too briefly) in most sources, these phe- 
noiiiciui roiiNiated of “violent convulsions, cries, uncontrollable laugh- 

<*n«l various physical symptoms”— followed by “lethargy” after which 

Lhr cure*" became apparent. 

WHAT was cured, and WHY it was, has always remained an 
liiHloncal mystery, confounded by expressions of awe, shock, and pro- 

r J h ^ ter ? a ' °, D the faCe ° fthe brief descriptions of the phenom- 
ena. it is difficult to know what was actually meant by “violent convul- 
M.on. Later scientific criteria established “convulsions” as consisting of 
quite serious and very painful involuntary contractions of the muscles 

during which the nervous system goes haywire, sometimes resulting in 
coma. 

It is also difficult to understand what was meant by “various 
physical symptoms,” or even what was meant by “cries” and “laughter." 
However, the sum of all of these phenomena quite clearly falls into 
the category of catharsis of the ecstatic, or ecstasy, type. And obvi- 
ous clues regarding this can be comprehended not by studying the 
phenomena but by examining WHO attended upon the vats. Many 
had no visible ills to cure. If this particular issue is examined, it will 

be seen that they came just for the thrill of experiencing the ani- 
mating, magnetic energies. 


THE SOCIAL BACKGROUND REGARDING THE VATS 


Mesmer’s reputation preceded him to Paris, and once installed 
there he acquired numerous supports. Principle among these at first 
was .harles d Eslon, medical adviser to the Count d’Artois, brother to 
King Louis XVI. This was high patronage, indeed. 

In September of 1780, d’Eslon asked the Faculty of Medicine to 
confirm Mesmers ideas and techniques, a request that was rejected. 

None Ha- less, public enthusiasm and high patronage support 
IhkI grown to itnprt'tuitve heights. 

In M'li cli 1781. on behalf of the King, no less a personage than 
powfiihil Mini* tar do Maurepas offered Mesmer 20,000 livres (a 


88 




I ilgnificant amount) — and a further annuity of 10,000 if he establish a 
nr I tool and agreed to divulge the “secret” of his “treatments.” Mesmer at 

■ first refused, but later accepted a subscription of 340,000 livres for lec- 

1 lures to pupils. 

With this financial arrangement, Mesmer increased his vat fa- 
cilities, and surrounded them with rather impressive environments. 

I hese consisted of large rooms noted for the opulence of their furnish- 
ings, with enormous reflecting mirrors everywhere, the whole being 

I dimly lit. 

■ Mesmer and his vat-facilities were mobbed with applicants, 
among them vast numbers of the aristocracy and royalty. Many mem- 

I oirs of various members of the aristocracy establish that the mob in- 
cluded even Queen Marie Antoinette and the whole of her court. 

H SPONTANEOUS SEXUAL ORGASM AT THE VATS 

It is from some of these memoirs, not consulted by biographers 
of Mesmer, that a complete picture of the “convulsive” catharsis is re- 
vealed. There is no doubt at all that those holding the connectors often 
experienced an aspect of ecstatic catharsis known from ancient times — 
some kind of involuntary auto-orgasm in females and auto-ejaculatory 
release in males. 

I Hence, the connection among the “convulsions,” “cries,” ‘laugh- 

ter” and the subsequent ‘lethargy” tend to fall into place— since these 
taken altogether are recognizable and familiar constituents of sexual 

I orgasm. 

■ And, indeed, if the “convulsions” had been painful, it is quite 
unlikely that applications to sit at the vats would have been any more 
numerous than the cases of those willing to try anything and every- 
thing to ameliorate their ills. 

I MESMERIC TRANCES 

I Also known from ancient times, ecstatic catharsis engendered 

dramatic and empowering shifts in “levels” of consciousness of the kind 
we today would refer to as heightened “altered states” — and during which 
many kinds of so-called “paranormal” trance phenomena were experi- 
enced. 

Such phenomena also came to light within many of Mesmer’s 
vat participants. But a perpetual confusion has settled in regarding 
this matter, in that Mesmeric trance phenomena have been historically 



confused with hypnosis. Hypnotism can easily be confused as nn 
sion of Mesmeric trance, since it, too, is a type of altered state. 

But in actual historical fact, hypnotism as such was not idem I 
Tied until about 1842 by the English surgeon, James Braid (1795 I HUH) 
Braid first termed the phenomenon as “neuro-hypnotism,” a phmnim 
enon that also sometimes aroused involuntary sexualizing activity 

Types of hypnotism, however, had earlier been identified in at. 
cient Persia and India, with probably even more ancient antecedents In 
Egypt. 

In any event, Mesmer’s stay in Paris was cut short, leaving 
Mesmeric trance phenomena to be investigated by later of his follow 
ers. 

MESMER’S EXPULSION FROM FRANCE 

Although a great deal has been written about Mesmer’s expul 
sion from France, it remains unclear as to why and how the expulsion 
was instigated. \ 

The official story holds that in 1784, the “French government” 
charged the Faculty of Medicine, the Royal Society of Medicine, and the 
Academy of Sciences, to examine "animal magnetism.” 

Considering the high patronage of Mesmer, which included the I 
King, many of his ministers, and significant personages of the Court, it I 
is difficult to determine exactly what happened. I 

In any event, and whatever the real reasons, nine Commission- I 
ers were convened under the presidency of no less than Benjamin I 
franklin, then in Paris, and included the astronomer, Jean Sylvain I 

Bailly, and the chemist, J. K. Lavater, both esteemed scientists of the I 

time. 

I 

The Commissioners were restricted to the activity of attempt- I 
mg to establish evidence of a new physical force that was claimed as the 1 
iigonl of the cures. But it is clear that the actual target was Mesmer 
himself, and the actual purpose was to get rid of him. 

Tim < 'ommission produced two known reports, but between them 
i In' I'niiHeiiHUii among the Commissioners is quite garbled. 

!•' i a o k 1 1 n , l or exa mple, recommended further examination of the 


90 


oe But King Louis XVI, not known for much in the way of certitude^ 
L N „ somehow stampeded to order Mesmer’s expulsion from France, am 

which was quickly effected. 

Mesmer removed himself to Meersburg, Switzerland, were he 
„ quiet, unobtrusive life until he died in March 1815. How it was 
Itml Mesmer, a veritable supernova, thereafter consented to obscurity 

■mains something of a mystery. 


THE 


CONTINUING SAGA OF MESMERIC PHENOMENA 


Even so, and even if he "retired,” the continuing impact of Mes- 
merism was itself phenomenal. It is fair enough to say that any written 
Account which might do justice to him, and to the remarkable phenom- 
ena of Mesmerism, must necessarily fill a number of volumes. 

In the twentieth century, something along these lines was at- 
tempted by the redoubtable Eric John Dingwall, Ph.D., a Director of 
the Department of Psychical Phenomena at the American Society lor 
Psychical Research (1921-1922), and Research Officer at the Society for 

| Piychical Research (1922-1927). 

For many years, Dingwall collected papers published between 
1 800 and 1900 recording Mesmeric research and phenomena in France, 
Belgium, the Netherlands, Germany, Scandinavia, Russia, Poland, Italy, 
Spain, Portugal, Latin America, the United States, and Great Britain. 


■ — 


in 1967-68. „. , , 

H As he described via a masterful understatement: Accounts ol 

H alleged paranormal phenomena occurring in the mesmeric and hyp- 

■ notic states have been omitted by most writers on hypnotism and de- 

■ tails, generally speaking, of this aspect have not so far been published. 
H The aim [of the four volumes), therefore, is to raise the curtain on the 

■ almost unknown and forgotten activities of the mesmerists of the mne- 

■ teenth century, while concentrating on the paranormal aspects oi their 

work." 

Dingwall gave the four volumes the general, and quite mislead- 

■ ing, title of ABNORMAL HYPNOTIC PHENOMENA: A SURVEY OF 

■ NINETEENTH-CENTURY cases. 

■ Dingwall appears to have been either somewhat ironic, or po- 

■ litically cagey, since, as he well understood, mesmeric and hypnotic 
I phenomena were never quite synonymous. As it was. hypnotic phenom- 


91 



ena were scientifically acceptable, but just so. 

In any event, Dingwall’s four volumes give some idea of the enor 
rnous extent of the saga of Anton Mesmer and of the GLOBAL scope of 
mesmeric phenomena encountered and documented by his successors— 
ALL of which, by 1920, had outrageously been caused to vanish into the 
modernist landfill of the unscientific. 

The Mesmeric phenomena, as so called, were not really to re- 
emerge until the Soviet bio-energetic research referred to earlier, and 
the Chinese CH’I energetic research of the 1980s- 1990s still to be re- 
ferred to later on. 



Chapter 7 


ODIC FORCE 


Four years after Anton Mesmer was run out of France, Baron 
Karl von Reichenbach (1788-1869) was born in Wurttemberg, not far 
from Lake Constance near which Mesmer had been born. In 1788, 
Wurttemberg was a city in the autonomous state of Wurttemberg hav- 
ing its capital at Stuttgart, the whole of which was later incorporated 
into modern Germany. 

( | Reichenbach appears to have been something of a political ac- 

i ivist during his student days. By the time he was sixteen, Wurttemberg 
was under the military’ control of Napoleon, and the young Reichenbach 
had formed a secret society with the goal of setting up a Germanic state 
in the South Sea Islands. 

m For this visionary effort he was duly arrested by the Napoleonic 

liolice and for some months held in detention as a political prisoner — 
after which he continued his education in natural science, political 
economy, and law, ultimately receiving his Ph.D. 

I REICHENBACH— INVENTOR-INDUSTRIAUST 

Reichenbach proved to be of scientific and industrial substance. 
After his education, he traveled in Germany and France investigating 
the operations of ironworks, and in 1815 (when he was twenty-seven) 
he built and operated his own plant at Villigen in Baden. 

He also diversified and built a beet-sugar factory, several blast 
furnaces and steelworks, and a large charcoal furnace. 

He discovered kerosene, paraffin, and creosote. Kerosene, a coal- 
tar product earlier known as coal oil, quickly became of enormous im- 
portance throughout the world because of its wide use, before commer- 
cial electricity, in kerosene lamps. 

Today, kerosene is mostly used as a carrier in insecticide spray 
and as a fuel in jet engines. Paraffin and creosote were to have equal 
importance in other areas. 

By 1835, Reichenbach had accumulated considerable wealth and 
a widely respected scientific reputation as a brilliant chemist, inventor 

93 



and industrialist, as well as a noted authority on meteorites und i»J 


nets. 


He had also taken a deep interest in “physico-physiologic*! m 
search on the dynamics of magnetism, electricity, heat, light, ri v«uj| 
zation, and chemicals in their relation to emanations of vital fun » “ 


Reichenbachs name would be erased from most modern hint 
nes because of this particular interest. So it is difficult to amort* 
when the interest began or under what circumstances it did. ^ 
Almost certainly he would have been familiar with metuiMrlt 
research. But it also seems quite likely that he had independently *i« 
countered magnetic phenomena both inorganic and organic of a I yin 

which, in his mind, did not exactly equate with the so-called nnuimj 
magnetism of the Mesmerists. 


OD 


In any event, Reichenbach detached his work from animal mag 
netism by designating the “emanations of vital force” as OD. 

He derived this strange term from Odin (or Woden), the chief 
Norse god who established the laws that governed the universe and 
controlled the destiny of man. Odin also was kept busy as the god ol 
war, learning, and magic. 

As a word, Od seems to have presented verbal difficulties, so it 
was later elaborated more clearly as Odic force, or Odyle energy. How 
ever since the “magnetic force” of Mesmer and the “Odic force” of 
Reichenbach both refer to "a force which permeates the whole of na 
ture, it is difficult to discern differences, if any, between them. 

REICHENBACH’S EXPERIMENTS IN ODIC SENSITIVITY 


A major characteristic of Reichenbachs work illuminates the 
scope of his interest in what sensitive humans are actually sensitive to. 
With regard to this, it is quite possible that Reichenbach was attracted 
l o magnetic sensitivity by examples of water- witching (water dowsing), 
I lu* successes of which he had observed on many occasions. 

An impressive line-up of experiments along the lines of sensi 
l-vily became visible at about 1839 when Reichenbach was fifty-one 
"•el bad achieved the status of a matured and respected scientist. 

Between 1839 and 1850, Reichenbach designed and conducted 


94 


„l« Involving some two-hundred "ordinary people drawn from 
,, of life" who had demonstrated some kind of sensitivity. 

H< dims of these experienced “specific reactions to the proximity 
t people" in the form of “feelings of pleasant coolness” or drowsi- 

, „ dmagreonble, or numbing, or “exciting feelings.” 

„f the individuals also “manifested a special right-hand/ 

, clarity” which affected their reactions to other people stand- 

•0 1 mg or sleeping near to their right of left sides. 

A disproportionate number of the sensitives demonstrated sym- 
with the color blue, an antipathy with yellow, particular food le- 
nd sensitivity to certain metals, and were unpleasantly affected 

mornrs. 

Unite a number of such sensitives could "see" emanations from 
i H |h and magnets in total darkness, and detect alternations in elec- 
i orient. They could also perceive an aura (energy field) emanating 
»nd surrounding the physical body. 

With empirical precision still acceptable today, Reichenbach 

acted hundreds of experiments involving crystals, magnets and the 

Ituiim n body. His principle goal seems to have consisted of examining 
frjl, Odic force with regard (1) to its relationship to electricity, magne- 
. and chemistry; and (2) to what extent the force was perceptible to 

niindtives. 

ODIC LIGHTS 

The Od, Odyle or Odic force was perceptible to sensitives, 
kuichenbach’s experimental sensitives usually sat in totally dark rooms 
In which he also placed another completely silent individual, a type of 
Crystal, metal or chemical. These experimental procedures resulted in 
Is. th quantitative and qualitative data such as enumerated below. 

f i Various substances radiating the Odic force were perceived via 

B vague or strong feelings of heat or cold. 

2 Sensitives possessing more refined or greater sensmg/perceiv- 
I ing capabilities might perceive “the odic light,”described as a 

I clear flame of definite color issuing from metals, crystals and 

V chemicals and poles of magnets. 

I 3 The Odic force could also be seen issuing from the main parts ot 
■ the human body, the fingertips, mouth, hands, forehead, teet, 


L 




and BLEEP! The Odic force could also be seen surroundinii i|J 
body entire as a colored “mist” or “smoke.” H 

4 The Odic force could also be seen over new graves. ■ 

5 The force could be conducted to distances by all solid and 
bodies. 

6 Bodies, however, could be “charged” with greater or 
amounts of Od at given times, but the Od was apparently 1 1 mt|l 
ferred from one body to another by contact with inorganic, rryfll 
talline and metallic substances, and physical touching of nil 
ganic bodies. However, mere proximity, without contact. w«l 
sufficient to produce influencing charges between bodies. 1 

7 Reichenbach noted that the “odic tension" (charge, as in a l*J 
tery), varied during the day, diminished with hunger, incrujiaaj 

after a meal, diminished at sunset, and increased before niu! 
during daybreak. | 

Reichenbach worked with colleagues who ensured the design* 
and controls of the experiments, and with sensitives who were also “per. 
sons in perfect health.” 

In one such case, the sensitive Prof. D. Endlicher of Vienna saw 
"unsteady flames forty inches high” on the poles of an electromagnet 
the flames exhibiting numerous colors, and ending in a luminous smoko, 
which rose to the ceiling and illuminated it. 

Reichenbach, a chemist, attempted to evolve a nomenclature 
for the odic force regarding which source the energy radiated or flowed 
from— “crystalod, electrod, photod, thermod," and so on. 

He also insisted that the “odic flame” was a material something, 
and that it could be affected by breath or a current of air. 

Some sensitives perceived more complex odic phenomena re- 
garding the human body, including rays, beams and undulating lights. 
Home of Reichenbach’s sensitives could tell whether a female was pre- 
menstrual, menstrual, or pregnant, and how the mother’s odic forces 
were interacting with the unborn child. 


As one description along these lines, “the mother's pores are 
"I'en." and from them exude an odic emanation. 

The emanations develop themselves into “electricity” upon their 
l J»e body- Objects or events making “violent impression” on 

' mind are incorporated in the mother’s outgoing Odyle force. 

I li" ami lim ( )dyl e force now contained an “odic image” of the object or 


96 


_ ■ „ Reichenbach-. terminology is understood erectly the odic 

1. .oinehow reverse-projected into the developing Odyle 

F' In any event, sotneof Reichenbach-. sensitive, quite easily could 
Lungui.h between the Odyles of the mother and the fetus. 

I One of the situations Reichenbach occasionally had to (teal .with 

fe!s5=SS£E*Eass 

>,,,,,re fndeTr8?el^rtuncommon that others bes.des the 
annsitives felt “odic electricity” because “disturbingly areused^ and som 
Shin sensitive, fell into “temporary convulsion, and were depleted 

E rward. Some also lost weight. 

Some male and female sensitives could tell whether males were 

r^ron^ 

“ Ve SS. records, however, indicate in delicate term, that 
female sensitives refused do SfZStPSZ 

™aretruot Lthered with active femaie odic ener- 
s, and seemed to enjoy their presence. 


L 



Chapter 8 

■ ENERGIES PHOTOGRAPHIC 


Subsequent to Reichenbach’s work, a full part of the saga of 
l ■ energies, magnetic or otherwise, then commenced in Boston, Mass. 

Therein resided one William H. Mumler. who, in 1861, was head 
migraver at Bigelow, Kennard & Co., a firm dealing in jewelry. Like 
mtiny designers of the time, he had become interested in photography. 

One day, in a friend’s studio, he tried to take a photograph of 
Wmself by focusing the camera on an empty chair and then leaping into 

llit chair after uncapping the lens. 

When the plate was developed, an extraneous figure was dis- 

[ ft covered sitting in the chair— a young, transparent girl with her lower 
parts fading into a dim mist. Mumler recognized the transparent figure 
■ «« a young cousin who had died twelve years earlier. 

SPIRIT PHOTOGRAPHY 

The experiment was repeated several times. A number ol hx- 
Iras could be discerned — faces, transparent ligures or parts of them, 
and other luminous "lights" appearing in many hut not all of the photo- 
graphs. 

Mumler and several others became satisfied that the extras on 
i In' plates were spiritual in origin. This gave birth to the concept of 

? “spirit photography,” and which quickly became a hot and emotional 
fashion, eagerly joined in by this or that scam artist. 

I A great hubbub immediately followed. Many professional pho- 

tographers made the most scrupulous examination of the materials 
Mumler had used. 

As it turned out, it didn’t matter if Mumler used his own mate- 
rials or those of others, or even if fresh materials were introduced at the 
Inst moment before the photographs were taken. 

Good spirit photos were achieved in the presence of profession- 
hIn quite prepared to doubt their authenticity. But it seems that the 
spirits were themselves prepared to be photographed, some of whom 
worn recognized by some of the doubters. 


99 








* ur With no identifiable fraud detected, Mummer’s authenticity 
established-, mmediately after which he became vogue and did t,„ 
mendous business. 

Eventually, an unproved accusation of fakery was broiii-l.l 

agamst him A scandal developed, and Mumler transferred his activl. 

les to New York City where he prospered until another accusation of 
rraud was raised by a newspaper. I 

v L u This time Mumler wa s arrested— by order of the Mayor of N.-w 

, Y « r i H °: eV !\ a “ he trial 3 number of professional photographers Umm 
tified on his behalf and Mumler was acquitted. Even so, he died in pov- 
erty in lo84. 

• k j t M ^ ml , er ’ 8 Photographs had created a sensation that many 
wished to duplicate or get in on. Many professional and unprofessional 

photographers set about experimenting-and some, of course, set about 
creating wildly ersatz fabrications. 

Even if not provided by newspersons themselves (as some were ) 
fake photos exposed as such made for good mainstream news copy de 
claiming against the authenticity of all such photographs. 

BIO-ENERGY PHOTOGRAPHS? 

,.n„ s „ 0 | E f Ve ik S °’ T ny e “ tbusiastic Photographers obtained nothing 

tn Tin f h k 6,r ^ ° therS n0t obtainin e recognizable spirits had 
to settle for the unexpected appearance of weird lights, illuminations 

and emanations streaming from sitters fingers, heads, or other body 

parts, or auras wavering around their bodies, and etc. 

Some photographs revealed swoops of lights that had no appar- 
ent connection to the sitters being photographed, and seemed to origi 

nate from a source outside the photographic frame. Sometimes there 
were mists or fogs wandering too and fro. 

i . such Phenomena, appearing on the photographic plates 

could not be accounted for by fraud or trickery, they were interpreted ns 
presenting such things as magnetism, radiations, subtle fluid, digital 

N aUriC Ught ’ 3811-31 b ° dy ’ thou S ht waves, mid 

N-rays— and lastly, lights in areas not mentionable in print. 

N-rays (now forgotten about) were a type of ray thought by some 

h unceasingly ermuint.ng, whether strongly or weakly, from the phys, 

body, which could interact and interpenetrate both inorganic and 


100 






im tfnnic matter. 

I It was also somewhat determined that the person of the pho- 
bic rnpher was somehow involved as having special kind of “energy” 
l Imt permitted the strange luminous phenomena. Indeed, something 
like this had occasionally been noted throughout history in the cases of 
people that attracted or convenienced energetic events. 

I As an aside, in the early twentieth century there was the case 
i.l the famous Austrian-American physicist, Wolfgang Pauli (1900-1958), 
who in 1925 was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics for enunciating 
1 In* Kxclusion Principle, and who in 1931 was the first to postulate the 
uabtence of the neutrino. 

Pauli, however, hardly ever worked in or near a laboratory— 

I - cause his mere presence, even if 200 feet distant, caused equipment 
In act up and not perform as expected. Then there are those individuals 
• .over permitted in an X-ray lab because something about them exposes 
the X-ray film. 

K Although the pro and con polemics of spirit photography grew 
heated, both sides generally agreed (albeit for different motives) that 
i he photographed phenomena were emanations unknown to physical 

loience. 

I With science to back them up, critics ponderously declaimed 

that since the emanations were not known to physical science, they 
obviously “could not exist" and were thus unscientific. 

| Tb this, proponents of the emanations indicated that science 

hud not yet discovered everything. 

| But in the light of mainstream cohesion, this was considered a 

weak argument, since a fairly large proportion of scientists and their 
sycophants held to the view that at any given time science HAD discov- 
ifed everything that was important. 

| This, of course, was merely a fallacy within the social aspects of 

science — and, however empty of substance, social aspects can always 
hi* smoothed over and made to look okay. 

As it was, photographs of emanations, etc., began to pile up in 
i lu* United States. The exciting vogue for such photos reached England, 
the first on record there being produced in 1872 by one Frederick A. 
Hudson. The photographic excitement swiftly reached France, Germany, 
Italy, and even Russia. 



101 




While all this sensational, and now international, hubbub 
cascading around Europe, in England PSYCHIC FORCE was ul 
fied and named at about 1869_as we will review in the next chn 
But if the world did not yet comprehend what psychic force was (it 
a new term), the world DID know what photographs were. ■ 

THOUGHT PHOTOGRAPHY (I 

, • * T® ?° mt m a11 this P hot °graphic furor, and to further c. 
plicate the already complicated issues involved, it began to be obser 

that images of individuals STILL LIVING sometimes appeared in „ 
tos taken miles away. v . 

n , Ind , e n ed ; ® short re P° rt Provided by the Comte de Bullet, <li. 

NATURF-tn th \ W&S t u Ubl * 8had in the Periodical entitled HUM, 

* he effect that the Comte had obtained on a plate in Pom 
the double of his sister who lived across the Atlantic Ocean in Bald 
more, Maryland. 

After more of the living appeared in spirit photographs far mill 
wide, the concept of “thought photography” came into existence. Bui It 

was not at all understood how the “spirit” of the living could transl,.!,, 
across distances as great as oceans. 1 

So it seemed most sensible (to some anyway) to assume that 
the images came from the thoughts of the photographer-although „„ 

T ! a h ° W ° r L why they should translat « ^ the photograph,,, 
plates in the photographer s proximity. 

With this development, a situational crisis subtly arose that 
was rather frightening within the larger contexts of the societal statu. 

That spirit photography might have relevance to the actual ,-x 

■stence of spirits was bad enough. However, the emergence of thought 

Photography was far worse. It created a crisis that has never been given 
the attention it deserves. 

^ C °; ld reaaone d, and it was, that if the thoughts of a person 
uu Id actually effect the chemical molecules on a photographic plate 
ben from an easily recognized scientific principle, there was little stand- 

g m the way of a persons thoughts affecting the chemical molecule* 
m the bruins of other people. 

In other words, here was direct physical evidence that thoughts. 


102 


ime as yet scientifically unknown energetic activity, could be trans- 

I, at least to photographic plates. 

But the implications beyond this were clear enough and they 

again cracked open the tightly shut doors of what we today might 
mind-influencing. 

Indeed, such a prospect had been of modernist societal concern 

That Renaissance luminary had indicated that: By the magic 
„r Of the will, a person on this side of the ocean may make a person 
he other side hear what is said on this side . . . the ethereal body of 
man may know what another man thinks at a distance of 100 miles or 

•• 

Since the time of Paracelsus the mechanism of this transmis- 
whether oceanic or merely 100 miles, was thought to be a mag- 
fluid that interacted with “sympathetic systems of consciousness, 

.1 which fluid had the power to “conquer time and space. 

I In this sense, then, one could bet one’s bottom dollar that the 
lorn societal mainstreams, very much maintained on ensuring the 
.ary of thoughts, wanted nothing along such lines to be demonstrated 
proven by any form of veridical evidence. And, as but one preventive 
iimBure, mainstream funding was, by common unspoken mainstream 
, nimensus, to be withheld from any who proposed to proceed gathering 

such evidence. 

1 Thus, even though scads of photos were tested again and again 

by photographic experts, ultimately including those of Kodak, etc., any 
veridical evidence the photos conclusively demonstrated was simply 

1*° Even so, various daring researchers set about making even more 
i . markable escapades regarding the energies photographic. 

Most notable (for a while, at least) among these was one 
llyppolite Baraduc (1850-?), described as a “psychic” researcher who 

made “interesting experiments in thought photography. 

However, he made excursions beyond mere thought photogra- 
phy by constructing Baraduc’s biometer, an instrument that indicated 
ili,. action of “a nervous force and other unknown vibrations outside the 

human body.” 

In 1895. Baraduc addressed a communication on these subjects 


103 


to thr I' ranch Academy of Medicine, although the Academy had not at 
all changed its view of magnetic fluids, etc., since the time of Anton 
Mourner s expulsion from Paris about a hundred years earlier. 


Undaunted. Baraduc then published, in 1896, announcements 

■ri ^?o r r;,° b ^ Vatl ° n8 ’ and photos in a book ent »tled IMAGES OF 
THE COSMIC OD VITAL FORCE. 


quickly fo,low e<i this, in 1897, with PHOTOGRAPHS OF 
H YPERVIBRATORY STATES OF HUMAN VITALITY— and in the same 

^ e n!^ e , t ,J^ 0 , t !i er astoni shing publication entitled HUMAN RADIO- 
GILM HIC SYSTEM. (In French, the term RADIOGRAPHIE refers to 
X-rays, and so it is probable that N-rays are actually implied here.) 


Apparent y, Baraduc had earlier trekked into a project yielding 
photographic evidence he claimed proved that “something misty and 
vaporous leaves the human body at the moment of death.” 

This evidence was provided in yet a THIRD 1897 book rather 
danngiy entitled: THE HUMAN SOUL. ITS INVISIBLE FLUIDIC 
MOVEMENTS, ILLUMINATIONS, AND IMAGES. (An updated ver- 
sion of this was later published in English in 1913.) 


With little to suggest much in the way of catching his breath. 
Baraduc s photographic enthusiasms seemed to have escalated 

He soon went on, in 1904, to publish fresh photographic evi- 
dence in a book entitled: VIBRATIONS OF HUMAN VITALITY. 

This was immediately followed, in 1905, with THE VITAI 
FORCE: OUR VITAL FLUIDIC BODY, A BAROM ETRIC MODEL 


When Baraduc s young son, Andre, died in 1907, he apparently 

was able to transcend at least some of his grief. When the young body 

was laid out in its coffin, Baraduc successively photographed it— with 

the result that “radiations of a formless mist" were shown extending 
outward from the coffin. 


Then, when some six month’s later Baraduc’s wife lay dying he 

sH up his cameras at her deathbed and photographed her as she died. 

he photos revealed “three luminous spheres emitting thin fingers of 
liKht just above her body. 

Another photograph taken fifteen minutes later showed the 

' h "’" K '° ’? Wealing the corpse’s head.” Further, “lum.- 

noun cord* could lie xeen around them. 

Three and a half hours later, the united globes while emitting 


“cold breezes" then separated from the body and eventually floated away 
from it and finally disappeared. 

The photographic plates of these two sad events were examined 
and reexamined with the certitude they would be debunked. No profes- 
sional was ever able to do so, and so they remain among the most dra- 
matic photographs ever taken. 

Meanwhile, at about 1908, experiments with thought photog- 
raphy were taking place elsewhere — and as far away as Japan. 

Dr. T. Fukurai, Professor of Kohyassan University, and formerly 
Professor at the Imperial University of Tokyo, was conducting thought- 
photography experiments with Mrs. Nagao, Miss Tetsuko Moritake, Mrs. 
Sadako Takahashi, Mrs. Tenshin Takeuchi, and a Mr. Kohichi Mita — 
all of whom had demonstrated “mediumistic” capabilities. 

Dr. Fukurai published a report showing photographic evidence 
of emanations, and then went so far as to declare that “clairvoyance is a 
fact.” . 

He was thereupon forced to resign from the University in 1913. 
Eventually his reports were translated into English in 1921 under the 
title CLAIRVOYANCE AND THOUGHTOGRAPHY. Thereafter, this 
early Japanese effort passed unnoticed into historical obscurity. 

SEXUAL ENERGY PHOTOGRAPHS? 

This author has it on very substantial authority that many 
sexual energy photographs were acquired, and ultimately found their 
way into private collections especially in Europe — and which, alas, have 
not been viewed by me. But it is easy enough to accept their most prob- 
able existence. 

For one thing, researchers wishing to capture energies on pho- 
tographic plates could not have been completely unaware that sexual 
activity produced ecstatic energy states and that these might be suit- 
able for their photographic attempts. 

For another thing, even though polite decorum was superficially 
maintained on social surfaces between 1875 and 1914, Paris, Berlin 
and London were noted for their fabulously vivid pornographic activi- 
ties behind and beneath the prim social surfaces. 

In Biiradiicn case, anyone who had the equanimity to photo- 


104 


105 


graph his dead son and his dying wife clearly could have faced up to the 
rigors of photographing all types of erotic situations, including copula 
tion and orgasm — this, of course, in the hope that some kind of invisible 
energies would become photographically apparent. 

In any event, several knowledgeable researchers claimed that 
such photographs were achieved by Baraduc, and there seems little 
reason to doubt it. 


106 


Chapter 9 


PSYCHIC FORCE 


In reviewing the tales of Anton Mesmer and Reichenbach as 
briefly as we have, it is easy enough to get the mistaken idea they rep- 
resent two isolated sets of unimportant circumstances. 

This is how they have been treated by modern historians, scien- 
tists and psychologists alike, and so it seems that societal forces have 
properly established their non-importance. 

However, if one draws together any and all past work that might 
have bearing on the nature of human energetics, it will soon be seen 
that the literature in this regard is massive, and that Mesmer and 

Reichenbach were not isolated examples of it. 

The totality of such work is so massive that it cannot conve- 
niently be incorporated into a book such as this, or in fact be mcorpo^ 
rated into a single book unless it would consist of several thousand 

pages. 

Indeed, when Eric J. Dingwall, the stalwart historian of psychi- 
cal research, attempted to collect and publish the work of the n,nt ; 
teenth century mesmerists who carried on after the death of Anton 

Mesmer, he ultimately needed four volumes to do so. 

Those four volumes, published in 1967 - 1968 , establish that se- 
rious and careful work took place in France, Belgium, the Netherlands, 
Germany, Scandinavia, Russia, Poland, Italy, Spain, Portugal. Latin 
America, the United States, and Great Britain. 

Although Dingwall’s four volumes are given the title o( ABNOR- 
MAL HYPNOTIC PHENOMENA, the actual topic is along the lines ol 
unusual energetic phenomena brought to light via various kinds of al- 
tered states of consciousness. 

Dingwall also brought together, in private, a large collection of 
sexual materials. Behind the more public scenes of Psi research, this is 

referred to as his “pornographic collection.” 

He kept this collection quite close to his chest. But in corre- 
spondence to me, he indicated that a good portion of it included docu- 


107 




ments regarding sexualizing energies encountered while conducting 
mesmeric and psychical research. In fact it was Dingwall K 

gested that a book should be written by “some daring soul.” ° ^ 

dered w^he'whole! ° f £f 8t ener ^ etic ^search, it is to be won- 
ered why the whole of it has been ignored and excised from modern 

^ha t M SC16nCe a ?l P8ych ° l0gy - In a °y event > the scope of it establishes 
that Mesmer and Reichenbach were NOT isolated examples In fact 

and r gni d ed ^ 

and Amerindian shamans and “medicine” persons. ' 

Thus, it would seem that anyone seriously investigating 

ZZ7TTu W0Uld SO d" COme t0 face P henomena not all that differ- 
nt from what Mesmer, Reichenbach and many others encountered 


MODERN PSYCHICAL RESEARCH 


On the noble surface of modern psychical research it um„ia 
s»m that it. worker, never encountered LualL^7h e no m L 
such is not the case at all. Indeed, it might be said that psychical re 

wTretidri at6r ParaP3yCh ° l0gy ' P ° SSeSS quite lar ^ e in which 

hidden various phenomena not tolerated by societal mainstreams. 

don in 

Z y be de “ that * - ^Zz at ,x 

search i* W °* COmmenced under the general idea that psychical re- 
a ch was an important science within whose scope numerous phe 

could be studied ”“ hi " »■ *— i of 

However, in actuality the SPR was founded principally to ex 

SpiritUrrin^sori a " d . aS ‘ onishin g Phenomena encountered in 
required brief background review of Spiritualism is now 




I 


108 


SPIRITUALISM 


The full story of Spiritualism which, in the modern West, rose 
and fell between 1845 and 1932, is a strange tale of epic proportions — 
so much so that few have ever managed to do it justice. 

Public interest in it went into decline during the 1930s. But 
during its earlier history, many astonishing mental and energetic phe- 
nomena associated with mediums often made headline news, sometimes 
on a daily basis. 

There are two ways to remember Spiritualism— the simple and 
the complicated way. 

The simple way identifies it as a belief involving spirits and 
departed souls — who, via a living medium, provide compelling evidence 
of their continuing existence and give messages to those yet living. 

However, had conversations with the departed been all there 
was to Spiritualism, then it is unlikely it would have obtained the enor- 
mous and long-term celebrity it did. 

It is therefore quite clear that other exceedingly dramatic phe- 
nomena associated with Spiritualism triggered its high profile. Getting 
a grasp on the “dramatic phenomena” is a somewhat complicated task, 
especially in brief form. 

ASTONISHING PHENOMENA OF SPIRITUALISM 

As distinguished from communicating with spirits, the phenom- 
ena of Spiritualism fell into two main categories, rather loosely defined 
as MENTAL and PHYSICAL. 

The mental phenomena might have been discounted as such. 
But the physical phenomena were another matter. 

The list of such physical phenomena is quite long and varied, 
and in many cases thoroughly documented by numerous researchers of 
high repute, and working in different decades and in different coun- 
tries. To itemize but a few examples: 

• Movement of objects without contact, vibratory effects, increases 

and decreases in weight 

• Levitation of the human body 

• Materialization and dematerialization 

• Biological phenomena — influencing the growth of plants appar- 
ently by vital bodily emanations or by other unknown means 


109 


• Chemical phenomena— unexplainable lights, perfumes, catalyt ic 
action, production of water, production of photographs of invin 
ible energies 

• Electrical phenomena — discharge of electroscopes, phenomena 
suggestive of human energy radiations 

• Thermo-dynamic effects — variations of temperature, increase* 
of heat in apported objects, the penetration of matter through 
matter, detectable currents of wind and air, touches of invisible 
energies 

• Perception of auras, energy fields, energy flows or streams 

• Clairvoyance in all of its variegated forms 

• A long list of various kinds of magnetic and biomagnetic phe- 
nomena 

• A long list of energetic phenomena transferred across spaces, 
around impediments, and through material obstruction 

Faced with these phenomena, at about 1858 early researchers 
began to recognize that the human organism was somehow bound up 
with a “force” that operated beyond the periphery of the physical body — 
and yet had impact on physical matter. 

The “force” needed a descriptive name, of course, and one of the 
earlier suggestions was “exo-neural action of the brain”— “exo” mean- 
ing outside of. 

This suggestion was immediately resisted by many scientists, 
especially by brain researchers, who scoffed at such research and had 
no desire to become involved in any exo-neural prospects. 

In explanation of this, the approved scientific view took it for 
granted that nothing existed outside of the body’s skin, and thus exo- 
neural activity was not possible in the first place. Indeed, it was not 
until about 150 years later that the real existence of bio-electromatic 
fields outside of the skull was confirmed. 

In any event, the term "exo-neural” was conceptually and pho- 
netically difficult, and it is understandable why it never caught on. 

PSYCHIC FORCE 

In about I MU I in France, the then famous astronomer, Camille 
Flamnuirion (Imi ’ I1IVSA), may have been the first to suggest the term 
PSYCHIC as a leplaremcnt for exo-neural. However, it didn’t catch on 
in Franco until decades later, and never caught on in Germany. 


In England, though, Edward William Cox (1809-1879), a law- 
yer by profession, seems to have been the first to suggest the term in 
English. Cox may have been interested in phenomena earlier, but his 
concentrated research seems to have taken place only in the last de- 
cade of his life. 

Cox was a member of the London Dialectical Society, formed 
in 1869 to examine and report on the alleged spiritual communica- 
tions of mediums whose population was definitely on the rise. 

The members of the Dialectical Society originally intended to 
do away with the “Claims of Spiritualism.” But in the end, their famous 
report on SPIRITUALISM published in 1871 noted substantial corrobo- 
ration, especially as regards the physical phenomena. 

Cox did not accept the “spirit” hypothesis, and instead argued 
for the existence of a “force” that would explain many forms of the physi- 
cal phenomena. 

His idea regarding the nature of this force was first presented, 
in 1872 in a booklet entitled SPIRITUALISM SCIEN1 IFICALLY EX- 
AMINED WITH PROOFS OF THE EXISTENCE OF A PSYCHIC 
FORCE, and later he enlarged his ideas in a book entitled THE MECHA- 
NISM OF MAN (1876). 

Cox is best remembered in the literature for his work with Sir 
William Crookes and their first experiments with the already interna- 
tionally renowned Spiritualistic superstar, Daniel Dunglas Home 

(1833-1886). . . 

So extraordinary where the phenomena emanating in the pres- 
ence of Home that he certainly deserved the high acclaim given him as 
the "greatest physical medium in the history of modern spiritualism. 
And, perhaps more aptly put, in the history of anything anywhere For 
example, he was thoroughly documented as floating in a horizontal po- 
sition in and out of third floor windows. 

Sir William Crookes (1832-1919) had taken deep interest in 
physical phenomena. After earlier witnessing remarkable demonstra- 
tions by other mediums, and then by Home. Crookes arranged to con- 

duct some experiments with him. . 

Crookes was already recognized as one of the greatest physi- 
cists of his time, and had received many honors. He had been president 
at different times of the Royal Society, the Chemical Society, the Insti- 
tution of Electrical Engineers, etc. He had discovered thallium, was the 


110 


111 


inventor of the radiometer, spinthariscope, the Crookes tube, etc. He 
was the founder of the CHEMICAL NEWS, and editor of the QUAR- 
TERLY JOURNAL OF SCIENCE. 

When Crookes indicated that he would enter into investigation 
of the phenomena of Spiritualism, the press and many important scien- 
tists received the announcement with jubilation— since it was taken for 
granted that Crookes would clearly show the phenomena as “humbug.” 

A somewhat complicated series of experiments with Home then 
followed, usually in the evenings in a large room illuminated by gas- 
light. 

One of the principle objectives was to discover if the force had 
properties capable of impacting on physical matter. This involved a 
number of different kinds of apparatus, some more simply constructed 
than others. 

Among more elaborate equipment designed to measure the 
physical existence of the invisible force, one end of a long mahogany 
board was placed on the edge of a desk, the other end supported by a 
spring balance and strain gauge hanging from a substantial tripod stand. 
The board was supported in a way that prevented movement of it by 
hand pressure. 

Home would sit at the desk and place his fingers lightly on the 
end of the board and focus his “force” into the board causing the other 
end to move up or down. The strain gauge would indicate the motion, 
indicating the measurable existence of the “force.” 

Cox was an observer of the experiments with Crookes and Home, 
and as a result he was able to write as follows: 

'7 noticed that the force was exhibited in tremulous pulsations, 

• I ml not in the form of steady, continuous pressure, the indicator rising 
and /ailing incessantly throughout the experiment. 

"The fact seems to me one of great significance as tending to 
' -on firm the opinion that assigns its source to the nerve organization, 
nth l it goes far to establish Dr. Richardson's (another researcher/ impor- 
tant discovery of a nerve atmosphere of various intensity enveloping the 
human structure. 

7 WOU/d recommend the adoption for it ft he “force ’’/of some ap- 
/UHfinate name, and / venture to suggest that the force be termed Psy- 
chic hure, tin- persons to whom it is manifested in extraordinary power 
fawhn s, and the science relating to it Psychism as being a branch of 

112 




psychology. " 

SENSATIONS ASSOCIATED WITH THE PSYCHIC FORCE 

Along with other researchers corresponding with Sir William 
Crookes about their own experiments with the psychic force, a Dr. 
Crawford soon reported at least four different forms of it, and described 
the sensations it could produce both around the medium and persons 
nearby. 

1 A sensation of cool breezes, generally over the hands 

2 The sensation of a slight tingling in the palm of the hands, 
and at the tips of the fingers, near the mounts 

3 The sensation of a sort of current through the body 

4 The sensation of a “spider’s web" in contact with the hands and 
feet, and other parts of the body, notably the back and the loins 
[loins being the Victorian code word for genitals.] The sensation 
of the passing through of a current is feeble, but the interrup- 
tion is easily felt. 

The research with the physical aspects of the psychic force went 
on for some time, and ultimately the highly respected Sir William 
Crookes prepared his report. If the mainstream scientists and the press 
were hopeful that Crooks would trash the phenomena, they were to be 
disappointed. For, as Crooks concluded in the introduction to his final 

report: 

“Of all persons endowed with a powerful development of this 
Psychic Force. Mr. Daniel Dunglas Home is the most remarkable and it 
ig mainly owing to the many opportunities I have had in carrying on my 
investigation in his presence that I am enabled to affirm so conclusively 
the existence of this force.” 

Here it now must be recalled that Sir William Crookes was 
ranked as of the top scientists in Kngland at the time. Therefore, he 
was not a gullible idiot, and he should have been accepted with some 

attention. 

He submitted his report to the Royal Society on June 15, 1871. 
But in that “Crookes had not demonstrated the fallacy of the 
alleged marvels of Spiritualism," the report was refused and even the 


113 


inscription of the title of the paper in the Society’s publications was 
denied. 

It was only in the July, 1871, issue of the QUARTERLY JOUR- 
NAL OF SCIENCE that the public became acquainted with the first 
account of Crookes’ observations. 


The scientists of the time might have rejected the implications 
of Crookes’ work. But not the public. A rash of well-attended “sittings" 
with mediums exploded everywhere, perhaps not so much to witness 
the phenomena, but to obtain first-and experience of the tremulous pul- 
sations in “the vicinity of the loins.” 

SEXUALIZING ENERGIES OF THE PSYCHIC FORCE 


Unlike Crookes’ experiments, clearly illuminated by gaslight, 
most psychic force mediumistic sessions were held in completely dark 
rooms. This enabled many sitters to report seeing various kinds of lu- 
minous energies not only coming out of the mediums, but arriving 
through the walls from elsewhere. 

As a caution, though, numerous of the “mediums” involved were 
opportunistic frauds and tricksters, bent on profit taking from the gull- 
ible. Most of these were exposed as such, but there remained a large 
number of experiments set up by individuals of high repute and con- 
ducted under exacting controls. 

One distinction that separated the real medium from the fake 
ones had to do with energy sensations felt by those attending the se- 
ances. Such energy sensations could become quite powerful regarding 
I he real mediums, but were generally absent in the presence of the fakes, 
no matter how dramatic was their trickery otherwise. 

A real seance seems to have been a trying affair. It was not 
iimiMiiul for the medium producing the psychic force to end up exhausted 

depleted. However, they were prevented from falling onto the floor 

l "" •■hoir hands, feet, arms, and torsos had been firmly tied and 
tn pad to their chairs to prevent trickery. 

In any event, we are not so much interested in what the medi- 
um** did, hut what the witnesses reported experiencing. What they 
lb reported wore energies, either felt and/or seen. 

M aorta ill descriptions of the energies abound in the literature 
•oi’lt MM Id nil see a stream of pale gray matter, like fog or 



114 


steam from a kettle, oozing from her [the medium] fingers. It was shaped 
like rods, about a foot long and an inch thick. The gray material could 
extend and contract.” 

There is little reason to wallow in doubt about this kind of thing, 
because in later years many reported much the same while drunk or 
enjoying recreational drugs. 

A Dr. Crawford (whose biographical details are not well recorded) 
subsequently produced a theory about the psychic force emanations. 
This theory is slightly complex, so you have to follow it slowly. 

“Operators / the mediums and/or their excarnate guides] are 
acting on the brain of the sitters, and thence on their nervous systems. 
Small particles, it may even be molecules, are driven off the nervous sys- 
tem. out through the bodies of the sitters’ arms, wrists, hands, fingers, or 

elsewhere. . 

‘These small particles, now free, have a considerable amount of 

latent energy inherent in them, an energy which can react on any hu- 
man nervous systems with which they come into contact. 

‘This stream of energized particles flows around the circle ]of 
the sitters] probably partly on the periphery of their bodies. The stream, 
bv gradual augmentation from the [combined/ sitters, reaches the me - 
dium at an high degree of ‘tension, ’energizes her f the medium], receives 
an increment from her, traverses the circle again, and so. 

“Finally, when the ‘tension’ is sufficiently great, the circulating 
process ceases, and the energized particles collect on or are attached to 
the nervous system of the medium . . . "/from whose body now extended 
the psychic energy forces which could be felt /seen by others.] 

Aside from the fact that the above took place in a mediumistic 
seance, and that the energies were often seen in a literal sense, it seems 

useless to doubt much in this regard. 

The reason is that even under usual circumstances, many people 

report sensing or feeling energies of others. This is especially the case if 
the situation involved has become highly charged— such as in combat 
and sexual situations. 

SEXUAL ENERGY DISPLAYS DURING SEANCES 

During the seances, many strange phenomena sometimes oc- 
curred which were not generally discussed or put officially into print. 




115 


Sometimes, female mediums or sitters achieved spontaneous 
orgasm, which left them “exhausted.” If male, they suffered erections of 
the male appendage, and sometimes spontaneously ejaculated in their 
undergear or trousers. 

Thereby, the concept of “tremulous pulsations of psychic force” 
took on new, if unofficial, potency — such as “tremulous pulsations of 
sexual force” that can rattle not only boards hooked up to strain gauges, 
but also erotically stimulate, to the point of achieving sexualizing ec- 
stasy, the autonomic nervous systems of bio-bodies as well. 

Indications of this kind of thing are present in many reports, 
but in a way most people today will not recognize. 

During Victorian times, proper people did not refer to sexual 
energies, and they seldom utilized the word “sex." But large numbers of 
sitters confessed themselves “disturbed” by the psychic force. “Dis- 
turbed,” of course, was a Victorian code word for what we today would 
call horny and/or sexually aroused. 

In any event, certain researchers tried to estimate physical ef- 
fects of the psychic force on the mediums and sitters. It was soon dis- 
covered that both the medium and sitters lost “dynametric force” — mean- 
ing that their muscles became lethargic and somnolent. 

Instantaneous weight losses also occurred. Dr. Crawford re- 
ported putting his experimental sitters on the scale and found that their 
loss of weight at the end of the seance was greater than the weight lost 
by the medium. The sitters lost, on average, five to ten ounces “and 
were more exhausted than the medium.” 

An Admiral Moore, a sitter, complained of a “drain of vitality.” 
One of the reasons that Lord Adare earlier retired from sittings with 
the famous male medium, Daniel Dunglas Home, was because he be- 
came so “disturbed" that he couldn’t concentrate and was soon physi- 
cally exhausted. 

A Colonel Rochas described a case of levitation by psychic force 
with the famous female medium, Eusapia Paladino (1854-1918). He 
indicated that “we ought to add that one of the persons who was quite 
clime to the table almost completely fainted away, not from emotion, but 
through disturbed weakness.” 

Rochas also said that “he felt drained of his strength as the 
rumill n! Kurapia’s efforts.” A supply of smelling salts was usually kept 

L 116 



handy for psychic force seances. 

Eusapia Paladino frequently insisted she be nude for her se- 
ances, and in her trances demanded sexual insertions from those males 

she sensed had achieved psychic force erections. 

Naturally, male researchers and sitters were eager to be at her 
seances, always held behind locked doors. It is on record that the wives 
of the male attendees hated Eusapia with an hysterical passion that 
sometimes escaped Victorian decorum. 


A certain researcher (or sitter) named Frere wrote that “The 
operators [the spirit guides of a medium] often speak of lines of force, of 
a vibratory synchronization. All our sensations are accompanied by a 
development of potential energy which passes into a kinetic state and 

externalizes itself in motor manifestations. 

“Motor manifestations” referred to excitatory, but involuntary, 

physical activity, such as muscle spasms. But in many cases of sitters 
and observers, it also referred particularly to involuntary sexual arousal 
and climaxial experiencing in the vicinity of the “loins.” 


SEXUAI JZING AROUSAL SIMILARITY OF 
ANIMAL MAGNETISM, ODIC FORCE, AND PSYCHIC FORCE 


At this point, the similarities of sexualizing arousal so far dis- 
cussed hardly need much further elucidation except to elaborate a bit 
more about why they occurred within the particular circumstances they 

While it is true that sexual arousal can occur because of mental 
associations to erotic stimuli, this kind of arousal by itself seldom ends 
up in spontaneous or involuntary climaxing. 


Thus, the sexualizing similarity involves the occurrence of the 
spontaneous/involuntary climaxing. In any feasible sense such would 
not take place except if some kind of energies were physically affecting 

the autonomic nervous systems of the experiences. 

This would suggest, in turn, that animal magnetism, odic force, 


117 



Chapter 10 


ORGONE ENERGY— BIONIC ENERGY 


Information regarding sexualizing energies is hard to dig out of 
the histories of animal magnetism, odic force, and psychic force. An 
assessment of the large literature establishes the existence of powerfu 
societal suppression regarding their phenomena and any research of 

them. , . 

The sexualizing energy aspects are further concealed, this most 

probably in keeping with the taboo regarding sex prevalent during the 

nineteenth and early part of the twentieth centuries. 

However, anyone patiently and knowledgeably sifting through 
the enormous literature can find the evidence regarding energetic sexu- 
alizing phenomena. The evidence found is cumulative, and taken alto- 
gether is highly supportive of the real existence of such energies. 

As it is, though, the evidence is really not all that necessary, in 
that most people, probably from time immemorial, physically experi- 
ence and mentally realize not only that sexual energies have some kind 
of real existence, but that they interact over distances if they are strong 

enough. 

A far greater mystery, but equally based in copious evidence, 
has to do with WHY research along the lines of human energetics has 
been condemned and suppressed by powerful societal factors. 

Mesmer, Reichenbach, the photographers of energies, and psy- 
chical research were all attacked (best word) by powerful societal forces. 

This resulted not only in their historical condemnation, but es- 
tablished serious barriers against ANY examination of the topics they 

represented. . . , , 

Further, the attacks frequently were vicious, so much so that 

even reputations of highest eminence could be destroyed. For example, 

the positive interest of Sir William Crookes in the physical phenomena 

of Spiritualism damaged his high scientific standing almost beyond re- 

pair. 


A calm and lengthy survey of this negative situation reveals 


119 


that it is not the people involved, but the topic of human energetic* • 1 
whole, under any label or format, that is being suppressed by powerful 
societal forces. And this by methods resembling overkill with the ulli 
mate goal of complete erasure. I 

All possible explanations considered regarding the societal sup 
pression, the actual source of its origin and reasons for it remain nr 
curie — especially if compared to the concept that the more that is learned 
and known about human potentials, the better off everyone would be 

THE FIRST DELIBERATE RESEARCH INTO 
SEXUALIZING ENERGIES 

With many similarities to the saga of Anton Mesmer, and to the 
scientific deconstruction of Karl von Reichenbach and later psychical 
research, the story of Wilhelm Reich demonstrates yet another revolt 
mg example of societal overkill regarding any knowledge about the ac 
tual existence of human energetics. 

Wilhelm Reich (1897-1957) was born the son of a farmer in 
Dobrzcynica, Galicia. He showed high promise in his early tutoring, so 
much so that his poor family worked to provide him with higher educa- 
tion. 

After World War I, in which he served in the Austrian army on 
the Italian front, he studied law at the University of Vienna, and then 
went on to study medicine, obtaining his M.D. in 1922. After graduat- 
ing he undertook further studies in neurology and psychiatry. 

No less a personage than Sigmund Freud recognized Reich’s 
excellence. Reich was soon appointed as the first clinical assistant in 
Emud's Psychoanalytic Polyclinic in 1922, and later became vice-direc- 
tor in 1928. These positions held by Reich were of no mean importance, 
and they contributed mightily to his growing reputation as an excellent 
thinker and scientist. 

Reich joined the Austrian Socialist Party in 1924, and the Com- 
munist Party m 1928, These early affiliations with Socialism, Marxism 

and < ' were later to be held against him in the United States. 

lint in Europe at the time, such affiliations were rather standard fare, 
and nlinoMl an unavoidable intellectual necessity. 

I'he political intensities in Europe had little in common 

willi how Ainerti ana understood politics. It could be said, in general, 


120 




that Europeans were preoccupied with socio-political theories in much 
the same way as Americans were fascinated with movies and movie- 

,n " king In any event, it was de rigeur for intellectuals to consider at 
least the social (as differentiated from the political) promises of these 

growing theories. 

Competent biographies of Reich make it quite clear that he was 
principally mterested not in political issues but in social health and 
well-being, and in reforms that would cure mental and emotional fac- 
tors upon which social ills were founded and perpetuated. 

^Reich had become convinced that much neurosis was caus y 
novertv bad housing conditions, and various other social ills. Essen- 
t,al Freudianism, Marxism and European Socialism had been set up to 
improve the human lot in this regard, and so it was logical for Re ch to 
involve himself in all three. In the sense of all this, Reich comple e y 
fitted into the times and developments of Europe. 

However, much like Freud. Reich had early on become convinced 
that social ills principally arose from neuroses based in blocked an 
distorting sexual urges. He early advocated the establishment of health 
centers” in which the blocked sexual urges could be unblocked and once 

more take on their natural expression 

Europeans were quite prepared to discuss and debate social ills, 

the traditional basis of which was perceived as resulting from the un 

fair distribution of economic wealth on behalf of the wealthy and 

politically powerful. 

Reich, however, advised that the more actual basis of 'social 1 ills 
arose from blocked sexual urges brought about by confusions inherent 
in social conditioning that resulted in faulty ^nctmns ^energies - 
volved with sexual orgasm. Not only was society as a whole guilty 
maintaining the conditioning, but the basic family unit also. 

Reich made his views known b Y Publ^ng papers, and thenm 
his first book entitled THE FUNCTION OF THE ORGASM (1927). Thi 
book addressed three issues: 

1 the biological function of orgasm 

2 the release of pent-up emotions and energies, and 

3 the sexual frustrations of the working classes 

In 1927, socialists of all waters were quite prepared to under- 


121 



take the curing of social ills by the most radical political and economic 
means possible. However, they were not at all prepared to deal with 
faulty sexual orgasm. 

Indeed, the nature of sexuality was still taboo within science 
and the new psychoanalysis, and within Socialism, Marxism, and Com- 
munism as well. The working classes, firmly rooted in the meaning and 
identity of the family unit, did not consider themselves as being sexu- 
ally frustrated. 

In this way, Reich managed to step on just about everyone’s 

toes, and he was ushered out of the developing “orthodox” mainstreams 

of psychoanalysis, doctrinaire Marxism, and all versions of European 
Socialism. 


Reich, however, was made of rather stern stuff. Undaunted, he 

moved to Berlin in 1930. To begin the process of “the sexual education 

of young people,” he helped establish an organization on behalf of sexual- 

pohtics the VERLAG FUR SEXUALPOLITIC (SEXPOL-VERI.AG) (In 

English, PUBLISHING HOUSE FOR SEXUAL POLITICS (SEXPOL- 
PUBLICATIONS). 

In this undertaking, he followed the logic inherent in the origi- 
nal Freudian concepts regarding the overriding importance of the sexual 
urge m human affairs— but with a slight difference. 

Freudianism held that sexual problems were mental in nature. 
But Reich was convinced that actual “bio-physical” energy was involved, 

energy which could be physically blocked, and thus lead to the mental 
distortions. 


As it turned out, however, Berliners were not amenable to Reich’s 
orgasmic ideas that had to do with sexual education of young people, 
and soon increasingly vicious smear campaigns began appearing. 

The smear campaigns ultimately resulted in Reich’s being ex- 
pelled from the Communist Party in 1933 because of his advocacy of 
sexual politics. He was unbothered by this, since he had visited Russia 
m 1929 and confessed himself disappointed with Russian bureaucracy 
and bourgeois moralistic attitudes toward sexuality. 

A short while later, the International Psychoanalytic Associa- 

*l»elled him, ironically because of his Communist membership. 

1 1 ml Association apparently being unaware that the Communist Party 
liml iilroiidy expelled him. 


I Indaunted by these various, and conflicting expulsions, Reich 

122 



published his first monumental book in 1933, entitled CHARACTER 
ANALYSIS, a profound and basic tome still utilized by analysts. 

In it, Reich held that “bioenergy” which “normally travels 
through the body in a specific circuit gets trapped wherever muscles 

an tight.” 

He went on to explain that this kind of situation, if chronic, 
inhibits and reduces the body’s bioenergy flows, affects the immune 
system and leads to sickness and other dysfunctional discomforts often 
ending up as debilitating neuroses. 

Also in 1933, Reich had taken critical interest in the emergence 
and dangers of German fascism which he correctly foresaw as a rising 
tide of political influence. 

He blamed the rise of Hitler on “the sex-repressed German fam- 
ily” and explained the intricate details of this in his book MASS PSY- 
CHOLOGY OF FASCISM (1933). First published in Scandinavia, it took 
a few years for it to be translated into German, and to be comprehended 
by the Hitler Movement. 

None the less, smear campaigns against him began emerging 
in the Scandinavian countries, Austria and Germany — not so much as 
regards the rise of fascism, but because of moralistic outrage about the 
function of the orgasm, and because of Reich’s blasts about sex-repres- 
sive family units. 

Again undaunted by smear campaigns and media abuse, Reich 
did not defend himself but rather escalated HIS attacks on the “per- 
verse character of the Hitler regime.” Since Communism paraded itself 
in Western Europe as a form of Socialism, the propaganda sections of 
the Communist Internationale were affronted by Reich castigation’s of 
“sham Socialism.” 

Since the whole of this developing situation had to come to a 
head, it did so in 1939. Reich was by that year a targeted enemy of 
Communism, the Nazi’s, and of moralistic outrages regarding orgasm 
energy blockages in the family unit. 

He first strategically evacuated to Norway where he planned to 
continue his work. Uneasily established there, however, the Germans 
began their invasion of Norway in April, 1940, and Reich barely made it 
out with his life. He then headed to the United States of America. 

Once there, he set up shop in Forest Hills, Long Island, but 
shortly removed to “Orgonon,” Maine, “Orgonon” being the name of his 

123 


• estate" and orgone research laboratory, and which included an obser 
vatory. 

As a result of this judicious move to the U.S. A., Americans were 

now somewhat surprised by having to learn about such electrifying 
matters as: " 

Armor in the genital character 
Basic life processes 
Biological energy 
Biopathic contractions 
Control over irrationality 
Emotional expression of the body 
Emotional plagues 
Energy blocks and energy fields 
Eye contact 

Field excitation of orgone energy 
Genital disturbances, excitation and gratification 
Orgastic convulsions, impotency and potency 
Orgonotic energy charge, pulsations and streamings 
Radical approaches to liberating creative energies 

The Americans soon became alarmed and distressed by Wilhelm 
Keich as the European communists and fascists had been. 

ORGONE— A SEXUALIZING ENERGY 

m. . J he ™ 8t bulk , of Reich’s work is quite difficult to summarize. 

I he best, and so far the only competent source for Reich’s saga can be 

FARTHEST K ha u a ? T J T Umental bio 8 ra P h y entitled FURY ON 
FAKtH (1983), which should be required reading for anyone interested 
in human energetics. 

Beyond that, and with apologies to the followers of Reich’s work 
we can get at the central gist of it for the purposes of this book. 

ninnni flw 7 0N EAR ™ (P ' 276 >’ il is d^Clllt to 

pinpoint the exact date for Reich’s formulation of orgone energy. The 

general chronology of his work places it at about 1940. 

But this most certainly refers to the term ORGONE, not to 

••i.'Iih awareness that such an energy existed, and which awareness 

vioualy would have taken place even quite early in his life 

H.h earliest usage of ORGONE seems to have evolved in 1939 


124 



in relationship to “orgone radiation,” but this radiation was established 
by Reich in a context having to do with “bions.” 

It is difficult to grasp what was meant by bions, but visual evi- 
dence of them could be observed “in the dark basement room” as radia- 
tions from heated ocean sand. 

The bionic radiations, or the bionic light, visible to the naked 
eye, was described as bluish light emanating from the walls and from 
various objects in the darkened basement room. 

Reich explained that he could not exclude “subjective impres- 
sions” with regard to the light phenomena. There is no record that Reich’s 
bionic light was ever compared to Karl von Reichenbachs luminous 
phenomena, although it too was perceived in dark rooms by sensitives 
in touch with their own subjective (or clairvoyant) impressions. 

Very roughly put, orgone energy was considered a non-electro- 
magnetic force, a life force, which permeates all nature, and in some 
way is closely associated with ‘orgastic potency.” 

If heightened by physical or therapeutic means, orgastic potency 
results in phenomena not unlike the cathartic phenomena associated 
with Anton Mesmer’s vats that accumulated some kind of energy and 
then transferred it to those holding the wands. 

If one can directly perceive the energy of orgastic potency (pre- 
sumably by some direct and/or clairvoyance means), it is of the color 
blue. 

The orgastic potency is composed of radiating bions which, Reich 
stated (and later demonstrated), can be transferred to objects and other 
human bodies for therapeutic (cathartic) purposes. 

Reich derived the term ORGONE from ORGANISM and/or 
ORGASM or both, and stipulated that it was an energy that normally 
traveled through the body in a specific current, but could get blocked up 
and result in any number of undesirable phenomena. 

As Reich’s research with orgone energy continued, he was ulti- 
mately to divide it into three chief characteristics: visual observation, 
thermal measurements, and the electroscopic effect. 

The sexual aspects of orgone energy were often played down 
later, but in the end they are unavoidable, since the sexual apparatus of 
the human body cannot be detached, rationally anyway, from the ener- 
gies of the human body. 


125 


The evidence is quite compelling that Reich quite early envi- 
sioned possibilities of interacting with orgone energy. This energy is 
foreshadowed in Reich's 1922 paper entitled THE SPECIFICITY OF 
FORMS OF MASTURBATION, and in his first 1923 version of what 
was later to become his major thesis entitled ON GENITALITY.” Sexual 
energy, later renamed orgone energy, is considered in depth in his book 
THE FUNCTION OF THE ORGASM. 

ORGONE ENERGY ACCUMULATORS 

The existence of orgone energy was to Reich a good thing, ca- 
pable of many different kinds of applications— if it could be “collected” 
and intensified. 

Therefore, the next step in the study of this energy radiation 
(whether orgonic or bionic in nature) was to build an apparatus that 
would collect and contain it. 

As described in FURY ON EARTH (p. 277), metal reflected the 
energy whereas organic material absorbed it. Since metal did reflect it, 
Reich designed a box-like “collector” that had metal walls on the inside 
backed with organic materials on the outside. 

One panel of the collector had a porthole through which the 
presumed energy could be seen from the outside by researchers and 
witnesses. As originally intended, the collector was designed not to treat 
illness, but to visually study the bionic radiation. 

With this collector which intensified the energy, it was possible 
to observe two kinds of “light” or luminescent phenomena— the bluish, 
moving vapors, and sharper, yellowish “points” and “lines” that flick- 
ered. 

Thereafter, Reich began experimenting with different kinds of 
accumulators, and found that the energy seemed to accumulate in just 
about any old container. 

If Reich had not had the idea before (which he certainly had), 
he now concluded that the energy he was studying was “everywhere.” 
He also concluded that the energy “came from the atmosphere.” 

After research on the visual, thermal and electrostatic effects 
had sorted out at least some basic questions, between 1940 and 1948 
Reich turned his attention to the “medical effects” of the orgone accu- 
mulators. 


126 


His reports on these effects were stunning, and began attract- 
ing profound interest of many important researchers in a number of 
fields. 

Although the following brief statement may be oversimplistic, 
he had begun to demonstrate: 

(a) that organisms suffused with bionic-orgone energy were 

highly disease resistant, and 

(b) that organisms weakly suffused could be brought back into 

a more healthy state by being subject to accumulated infusions 

of the orgone energy. 

SEXUALIZING EFFECTS OF ORGONE ENERGY 

However, trouble had begun pushing into view when individu- 
als discovered that sitting in the accumulators often enhanced sexual 
potency, even to the degree of occasionally effecting spontaneous thrills. 

While the general public would have no precise idea of what 
bionic energy meant at the cellular and molecular levels, almost any- 
one could clearly understand the wonderful enhancements of sexual 
potency. 

With this news, excitedly promulgated by wide press coverage, 
Reich’s reputation (and following) increased immensely — and copies of 
his JOURNAL OF ORGONOMY and ORGONE ENERGY BULLETIN 
were much in demand. 

Additionally, it is clear that Reich hoped to achieve “cures” of 
awful diseases via orgone energy, especially, but not only including a 
cancer cure. 

Here was a “hope” that finally galvanized certain societal forces 
in reaction to Reich. Reich also ran into problems regarding his an- 
nounced attempts to collect bionic energy into types of “guns” or “can- 
nons” in order to transmit it, among other possible practical uses, for 
weather control. 

However, these events only increased the “furors” that had ac- 
cumulated not in the bionic accumulators but around the person and 
name of Reich himself. 


127 




THE SOCIETAL TERMINATION OF WILHELM REICH 


Because of a wide, invisible web of vested interests, the FDA 
proceeded against Reich as if he were a common charlatan peddling a 
worthless cancer cure. 

During 1952, the FDA and the Justice Department issued a court 
injunction banning not only the construction of orgone accumulators, 
but demanding the sanitizing of the word ORGONE from all his paper, 
books and other materials. Reich’s “inalienable rights” guaranteed by 
the Constitution and the Bill of Rights were simply cast aside — while 
this kind of activity at such high levels implied that he was something 
more than a harmless kook. 

During 1953, and before an official hearing could take place, 
the FDA, assisted by the FBI, confiscated all of Reich’s documents, books, 
research papers. These were finally fed into the Gansevort Incinerator, 
New York, on August 23, 1956. With his First Amendment rights shred- 
ded into the wind, Reich somewhat noisily refused to comply with the 
court order, and when the proceedings against him were finally heard 
in 1954, he again refused. 

He was thereupon found in contempt of court, and was sentenced 
to imprisonment. He first sent to Danbury Federal Prison for ten days 
where he was subjected to “psychiatric examination.” 

He was then moved to incarceration in the federal peniten- 
tiary in Lewisburg, Pennsylvania, where he died on November 3, 
1957, with the actual circumstances of his death remaining unclear. 
Why Reich should have been imprisoned for nearly three years on 
the mere charge of contempt of court is, by any rationale, not readily 
comprehensible. 

At this point, we might assume that various phenomena hu- 
man energetics are real, and that they have been touched upon by nu- 
merous researchers. The sexualizing element within these phenomena 
is consistently encountered. 

While many of the phenomena encountered might be readily 
experienced upon average, the essence of the sexualizing energies is 
entirely real and tangible within the scope of usual human experienc- 
ing. 

We can now turn our attention, in Part II, to the ways and means 
such energies, usually invisible, can be seen by clairvoyance. Here we 

128 


encounter a truly rich and wonderful panorama and history. 




129 



PARTII 


THE TREMULOUS PULSATIONS 
SEEN BY CLAIRVOYANCE 





Chapter 11 


PREVENTING KNOWLEDGE OF SEXUAL ENERGIES 


In Part I we briefly reviewed some historical instances in which 
extraordinary human energies played a central role, and did so in very 
active and surprising ways. 

In the contexts of each of the instances, the energies were given 
a number of different names — such as vital fluids, animating energies, 
sympathetic vibrations, magnetic, fluxes, effluents, animal magnetism, 
odic, psychic, and orgonic, etc. 

However, in sequentially comparing what the different names 
were referring to, it is obvious that they collectively identify human 
energetics. 

Thus, in the historical sense beginning in the Renaissance, we 
have a sequential profusion of names, but all of which get back to hu- 
man energies. 

At first sight, the profusion of names might appear as merely a 
semantic difficulty. It is at least that, to be sure. But a deeper examina- 
tion a6 to how and why the different names came about reveals another 
more important factor. 

This factor now needs partially to be brought to light within the 
overall scope of this book, because it has a great deal to do with societal 
factors that prevent and defeat the accumulation of verifiable knowl- 
edge regarding human energetics. 

In turn, the lack of the knowledge has impact on individuals 
and how they can or cannot sense or perceive the energies. 

THE SOCIETAL CONDEMNATION OF KNOWLEDGE 

OF HUMAN ENERGETICS 

We have seen that the whole of the research reviewed in Part I 
spans almost five centuries. Further, we have seen that each aspect of 
the research emerged in different time periods and under different re- 
searchers. 

We have also seen that all of the research in any form was al- 
most immediately condemned and put down by strong societal mea- 


1 33 


sures — condemned so vigorously that the research was in fact effec- 
tively erased from all mainstream scientific, philosophic and academic 
histories of those five centuries. 

The condemnations not only deconstructed the research of given 
individuals. They also acted as preventives with regard to accumula- 
tion of knowledge of human energetics. And they additionally acted as 
warnings to others that might drift into the magical directions of hu- 
man energetics. 

All of these societal measures to discourage and prevent research 
of human energetics are still generally active today. There are various 
kinds of energetic research going on here or there. But it goes on out- 
side of mainstream parameters, and none of it is accepted or integrated 
into the mainstream lines of science, psychology or philosophy. 

Of course, the mainstream forces cannot really prevent such 
research if it is undertaken individually and without mainstream ap- 
proval. But the mainstream forces can ignore the existence and impli- 
cations of such research, and ultimately can find ways and means to 
discredit any possible validity of it. 

To return now to the profusion of names. When the work and 
phenomena of Anton Mesmer was condemned by the mainstream forces 
of his time, the essence of his work was in fact continued by many re- 
searchers in many different countries. 

But none of it had much chance of being recognized as accept- 
able by the societal mainstream. 

To escape being painted with the same tar brush as Mesmer, 
many subsequent researchers avoided utilizing the terminology associ- 
ated with animal magnetism and mesmerism. 

Such was the case with Baron von Reichenbach, and whom in- 
deed WAS considered as an important mainstream researcher, and in 
fact discovered much that could be fitted into conventional mainstream 
parameters. 

As a thorough and exacting researcher, it is unthinkable that 
Reichenbach had not studied all available information regarding the 
phenomena and procedures of mesmerism. 

However, in trying to avoid the anticipated societal condemns 
lion of his work if he presented it along the lines of mesmerism, he 
opted to use entirely new and different terms — OD and ODIC FORCE. 

This is a socio-political ploy quite common among scientists and 

134 



philosophers, a ploy utilized to ESCAPE from the societal condemna- 
tion of earlier work. 

As we have seen, Reichenbach’s work did not escape, and when 
the portents and implications of his work were recognized, not only was 
his work condemned, but he himself was subjected to personal humili- 
ation. 


After Reichenbach, no researcher hoping for a modicum of rec- 
ognition by mainstream powers dared to utilize mesmeric or odic meta- 
phors, since such rubrics had been vigorously condemned both in name 
and as regards the substantial topics they represented. 

The term PSYCHIC FORCE came into existence for much the 
same reasons — and with much the same societal outcome. 

This outcome forced the psychic researchers to formulate their 
organizations outside of acceptable mainstream sciences. And such work, 
even if later renamed PARAPSYCHOLOGY, continues to exist outside 
of even a hint of mainstream acceptance. 

As it turned out, the psychic force research was very substan- 
tial and persuasive. But this fulminated even more vigorous societal 
condemnation of it. Psychical research did not actually cease, but the 
fulminations caused the term PSYCHIC to be taboo within the modern- 
ist mainstream sciences and philosophies, and within their workings it 
remains taboo to this day. 

A careful study of Wilhelm Reich more of less suggests that he 
never intended to enter into psychical research. 

From the start of his work, his interests focused precisely on 
sexual energies, especially those associated with orgasm. 

In this instance, he needed a new term, and ORGONE, or orgonic 
energy, was derived from orgasm. Indeed, there can be little doubt that 
orgasm IS a form of energetic transaction, one with multitudes of side 
effects and by-products. 

But, as we have seen, Reich did not escape condemnation ei- 
ther, specifically because his work intruded into the category of human 
energetics. In demonstrable fact, he and his work were terminated by 
mainstream officials, and with a viciousness that can be seen as little 
else than hysterically deadly. 

The factor that links the different names has to do with human 

135 




energetics. It is this factor, under any name, that appears to be the 
special target of mainstream societal suppression. 

This, to say the least of it, is very mysterious — and exceedingly 
illogical IF the bigger goal regarding acquisition of knowledge per se is 
considered. 

But in some sense at least, there is a comic side to this five- 
century-long story of suppression. 

THE EXPERIENCING OF SEXUAL ENERGIES 
CAN BE PARTIALLY DEADENED 

The real existence of sexual energies is universally experienced 
by people in all cultures and in all stations of life. 

The experiencing (or sensing) transcends language barriers, 
social strata, and even educational conditioning designed to install 
emotional and mental deadening against such sensing. 

But human organisms, having the superlative sensing equip- 
ment they do, seldom become so dumbed-down that they altogether cease 
from such experiencing. 

In considering the above, however, it must quickly be pointed 
up that there are strategic differences between sensing sexual energies 
and the many formats of behavior that can download because of them. 

Herein lies a great difficulty, in that the knowledge gap between 
sexual energies per se and sexual behavior per se is not only enormous 
but gargantuan. 

One element of this great difficulty obviously proceeds from the 
fact that the energies are invisible while the associated behavior is vis- 
ible. This causes attention to be focused on behavior, but only because it 
IS visible. 

Another element is that while the energies are invisible, they 
are none the less tangible. 

This invisible-but-tangible aspect is confusing, often resulting 
in messy situations not only regarding sexuality but other factors that 
can be sensed in spite of their essential invisibility. Even many great 
minds, least of all those philosophic and scientific, have not been able to 
come to terms with what is involved. 

The entire realm of intuition, for example, is a good example of 
this, in that it is entirely composed of sensing invisible but obviously 
real factors. But intuition moved quite close to energetics, and so re- 

136 



search of it is avoided by mainstream science and psychology. 


THE EXPERIENCING OF SEXUAL ENERGIES 
UNDER SPECIAL AND ORDINARY CIRCUMSTANCES 


As we have seen via Part I, sexualizing energies have been rather 
uniformly and somewhat dramatically encountered in all vital-energy 
research. As described, they have been encountered as a current through 
the body, sensation of a slight tingling in the palms of the hands, and 
other significant parts of the body, notably in the back and the ‘loins” 
(i.e., the genital regions.) 

Within those research encounters, a number of those involved 
observed that whether weak or strong, such effects are not simply imagi- 
nary — because whatever is involved results in tangible experiencing. 

But as can be recognized, such phenomena are encountered not 
only in vital-energy research, but in general human life at all levels. 
And such general experiencing can sometimes be as dramatic as that 
encountered in the special cases of vital-energy research. 

Indeed, the real existence of invisible, sexualizing energies uni- 
versally experienced as having tangible qualities is the one ethereal 
wedge that drives rather deeply into societal responses seeking to sup- 
press knowledge of human energetic phenomena. 

One of the more obvious reasons for the societal suppression is 
that the phenomena are indicative of BIGGER hidden resources of hu- 
man-energy powers. And it is apparently those powers that, for some 
mysterious reason, the suppressive mainstream forces feel must better 
be left unexamined in order to prevent their enhancement. 

To reiterate for purposes of emphasis, this is the same as saying 
that knowledge of invisible sexualizing energies must be suppressed, 
since they point in the direction of opening up knowledge of other invis- 
ible energies — such as telepathy, clairvoyance, psychokinesis, and so 
forth. 


All of those items are closely related to energetic powers, and as 
such the central key to their development would consist of more com- 
plete knowledge of human energetics overall, and which knowledge 
would include information about sexual energetics. 

Ah il turns out, though, and rather comically, the suppression 

137 




of human energetics cannot, at the individual level, also entirely sup- 
press the universal experiencing of sexualizing energetics. 

But dumbed-down information about that particular kind of 
energetics can be achieved by social conditioning that directs focus not 
on formative and vitalistic sexual energies, but rather misdirects focus 
upon sexual behavior, the genitalia, and various moralistic containment 
policies. 


Thus, to the degree this misdirecting, dumb-them-down atti- 
tude is accepted and reinforced, the farther away is any real cognizance 
of not only sexual energetics, but the whole of human energetics as 
well. 


THE BASIC SOCIETAL WAY OF DUMBING DOWN 

HUMAN SENSITIVITIES 

A thorough examination of this "problem" reveals that there is 
a time-tested societal way to prevent this sensing. 

This simply involves NOT teaching people how to expand, re- 
fine, and hone their innate sensitivities beyond what is needed to fit 
them into average societal formulas. 


TWO DYNAMICS OF SOCIAL CONDITIONING 
REGARDING PERCEPTION 

Most people eventually realize that they may be some kind of 
victim to social conditioning, and anyway most people realize that so- 
cial conditioning agendas do exist. 

But there is very little real information publicly available as to 
the METHODS utilized to effect such conditioning. 

There is a really big, and complicated story in this regard. But a 
full part of it is that social conditioning cannot take place very well 
unless the quite excellent and remarkable perceptions of each human 
organism are first dumbed down in certain strategic aspects. 

After all, any individual who can perceive a whole lot also will 
become enabled to know a whole lot. 

With regard to perception, there are two identifiable dynamics 
of social conditioning that are worth considering, and certainly so within 

138 



the contexts of this book and its topics. Very briefly put, it is more or 
less true that human perceptions can be conditioned by social, cultural 
and environmental factors. 

There seem to be a number of reasons for this, but one is that 
the effectiveness of social organizing depends a great deal on unifor- 
mity of perceptions among those belonging to the social grouping. 

Since most social structures are built up in direct support of 
some kind of doctrinal ideas, the perceptions of the inhabitants of the 
structures are educationally conditioned to reflect the doctrinal ideas. 

As but one example, the philosophical doctrines of the modern 
sciences denied the existence of human animating energies. This doc- 
trinal denial resulted in two rather deplorable spectacles: 

1 the necessity to trash evidence of the energies to keep the doc- 
trine sanitized 

2 educational conditioning to deaden perception of the animating 
energies, or at least to condemn them to high levels of social 
intolerance if they occurred spontaneously in people 

Another reason, however, is more basic. It has to do with the 
reality that people need to know what something does or should look 
like in order: 

1 to trust their perceptions when they do occur 

2 to recognize what they are perceiving when and if they do per- 
ceive it 

3 to have some kind of agreement that everyone is seeing the same 
thing more or less in the same way 

This is perfectly understandable in the light of overall human 
nature. But there are a few quirks involved. 

As but one quirk, it doesn’t seem to matter very much if the 
“same way" is actually the wrong way. or if the same way is completely 
of illusion in the First place. In either case, uniformity of perception is 
achieved. 

Anot her quirk is that perceptions are stronger if they are so- 
cially tolerated and weak or non-existent if not tolerated. Indeed, large 

139 



groups of people can “agree” not to perceive this or that — and they usu- 
ally don’t thereafter. 

For example, within science proper exist many topics that sci- 
entists have “agreed” not to acknowledge as existing. One of those top- 
ics, of course, is human energetics. Thus, a mainstream scientist would 
not perceive a vitalizing human energy field even if thousands of lives 
depended on doing so. Further, since agreement not to perceive any 
factor redolent of human energetics, many such scientists could attack 
and deconstruct any evidence of them, and feel justified in doing so. 

As already mentioned, another forbidden topic intuition, and 
most mainstream scientists have denied the substantial evidence sup- 
porting its real existence. This, even though intuition is otherwise cred- 
ited and documented as saving lives and enabling new inventions. 

One of the admitted reasons for the avoidance of intuition is 
that it ranges too close to a topic utterly forbidden in the mainstream 
sciences and philosophies — the topic of clairvoyance. Indeed, any seri- 
ous substantiation of clairvoyance is put down with a vicious enthusi- 
asm at least equal to that pertaining to the wholesale condemnation of 
human energetics. 

Still another quirk involves the fact that people cannot recog- 
nize what they are perceiving unless they already know what it is and 
what it should look like. Indeed, these two very subtle criteria are ex- 
ceedingly important. 

For one thing, people often simply don’t perceive something they 
have never seen before. If they do perceive it they usually will have to 
ask someone else what it is. This more or less means that even if some- 
one is sensitive to something, it might not be recognizable in any cogni- 
tive sense at all. 


THE SOCIETAL TACTIC OF DESENSITIZING SENSITIVITIES 


Here we encounter a boon with regard to societal conditioning 
agendas.(All human organisms, in their natural state, are actually 
equipped with extensive arrays of sensing mechanisms and faculties.^ 
Various formats of societal conditioning would require an artifi- 
cially induced desensitizing of entire categories of those sensing mecha- 
nisms and faculties. 


Indeed, and logically considered, cognitive perceptions are 


140 


largely dependent on sensing faculties, and if the latter are artificially 
desensitized, cognitive perceptions must suffer likewise. 

There is much more that can be discussed regarding societal 
conditioning, especially when it comes to both the conventional and 
psychic force aspects of creativity and power. 

Those aspects, however, need to be presented within the con- 
texts of creativity and power, and so we can now segue back into energy 
phenomena, especially in relationship to the sexualizing energies. 

A NOTE ON PERCEIVING SEXUALIZING ENERGIES 

While it is possible to think of PERCEPTION as a singular thing, 
in actuality there exist many different form and qualities of it. Even so, 
two general categories of perception can be identified: 

• the first consisting merely of sensing or feeling in the absence 

of images 

• the second consisting of sensing, feeling and images combined 

In that the sexualizing energies are invisible, any sensing, feel- 
ing or imaging of them qualifies as a form of clairvoyance. 

II we return briefly to the five centuries of various kinds of en- 
ergetic research, one of the more remarkable aspects was that many 
observers stated that they could not only sense the energies, but liter- 
ally see them as well. 

Those who merely felt the energies described them much as 
any person would who experiences them as invisible charges, heat, 
stimulation’s in various body parts, especially in the region of the loins, 
and as having horny or “disturbed” repercussions. 

The seers of the energies, however, described them as consist- 
ing of rays, protrusions, extensions, fluid-like circulating fields, and 
beams, and as having lights, colors, and so forth. 

Direct perceptions in this regard of the fluid- like, circulating 
fields, are entirely consistent with many descriptions of the “auras” 
surrounding and interpenetrating the physical corpus — and the real 
existence of which has been acknowledged since earliest recorded an- 
tiquity. 


141 


SOME PRELIMINARY DISTINCTIONS BETWEEN 
AURA AND ENERGY FIELD 


In the chapters that follow, the modern term “energy field" and 
the ancient term “aura” will be utilized as nearly synonymous, with 
certain distinctions. 

There is a rich tradition regarding what is meant by aura, but 
hardly any tradition regarding what is meant by energy field. In fact, 
the use of the energy field metaphor came into existence to escape the 
modern societal condemnation of the aura metaphor. 

But there is another nuance to the distinction. Basically speak- 
ing, an aura is what clairvoyants can see. An energy field is what can be 
measured by instruments designed to do so. 

In any event, in the traditional lore the aura is basically con- 
ceived of as a luminous radiation and typically composed of different 

colors. 

An examination of the colors as usually described reveals that 
they correspond to the colors of the visible light spectrum. This can lead 
to wonderment as to why the colors of the subtle radiations are con- 
fined only to the colors of that spectrum — in that the visible light spec- 
trum is only a very small segment of the entire electromagnetic spec- 
trum. 

It is quite possible that many of the subtle radiations might not 
even belong to the electromagnetic spectrum, which reflects the exist- 
ence only of physical electromagnetic energies — but does not reflect ba- 
sic animating life-force energies, and which have not been discovered 
so far. 

The point being made here is that because of the lore the aura 
is conceptual ized as being made up of colors. Thus, potential aura-seers 
can easily be conditioned to expect to perceive the radiations as color- 
ful —when indeed many energies within the aura are colorless. 

So, the single concept of colorful radiations does not lend itself 
to perceiving aspects of the aura that are colorless, but dynamically 
present. 

In respect of the above, it is probably appropriate to keep in 
mind the well-known adage that what you expect to see is what you do 
see, and what you don’t expect to see is what you don’t see. 

But there is a workable clue here. Colors don't produce them- 

142 




selves, but energies as motional vibrations can produce colors. Hence 
the first goal of the would-be aura seer is to perceive energies. b 

ARTISTIC REPRESENTATIONS OF THE HUMAN AURA 

Regarding the human aura and the astral-aura light realms, 
artistic representations of them occasionally can be found dating from 
antiquity onward through the centuries and up until today. 

All of these artistic representations deal with or attempt to por- 
tray luminosity and light as well as energetic shapes that are usually 
invisible to the physical eyes, but not to the perceiving, image-making 
mind. 

Among the best-known of the many examples portraying the 
aura-light-shape realms are the art works of William Blake (1757-1827), 
the English poet and artist. But there are many other very beautiful 
examples. 

The personal human aura is USUALLY portrayed as a self-con- 
tained envelope, or full-body nimbus, around the physical body, usually 
shown as oval or ovoid in its mistlike contours. 

The full-body nimbus is usually shown as extending about two 
to three feet outside of the physical body. 

It consists of fluctuating colors, color layers, and variously 
shaped energy structures and which sometimes can extend far beyond 
the margins of the mistlike properties. Good clairvoyants can detect 
“damaged" areas within the energy body, which are associated with ill- 
nesses or with dysfunctional emotionality. 

The colors seen are also associated with many kinds of qualities 
and activities, although there is no general agreement on this matter of 
colors — except in the case of the color dull black — which clearly and 
unequivocally portends approaching death. In all cases in which I have 
seen this kind of dull-blackening aura, even among some of my dearest 
friends, all have died shortly or within the year or so. 

If death is imminent, the aura disintegrates altogether and dis- 
appears, although the bio-body might live on for a few days with artifi- 
cial life support assistance. 

It’s also worth noting that the aura often turns dull black re- 
garding those? who will shortly meet premature or accidental death — as 
if the energy “intelligence*” somehow knows of this in advance. 


143 


The historical descriptions of the aura are very important, of 
course, and very compelling as well, and they certainly have a place 
within this book. 

But leaning too heavily on them tends to obscure another im- 
portant factor. The traditional concepts portray the aura as light, lumi- 
nosity and color, while the concept that auras also have SUBSTANCE 
is marginalized. 

Indeed, if the elements of human energetics did not possess 
substance, then they could not be tangibly FELT, as is particularly the 
case regarding the sexualizing energies. 

So the substance aspect of human energetics must be restored 
for the purposes of this book, and we will utilize the next chapter to do 

HO. 


144 


Chapter 12 


THE PSYCHIC FORCE AS AFFLUENT SUBSTANCE 


Before reading this book, almost everyone will already have some 
kind of idea about what the term PSYCHIC means. 

Such ideas can be exceedingly different among individuals. But 
it is quite likely that a large proportion of them hinge on the general 
concept of PARANORMAL mental activity and which is distinguished 
from normal mental activity. 

This is a psychological distinction which began to flourish rather 
late in the history we have been reviewing. It appeared during the late 
19208, and only during the 1940s did it take on broad usage. 

It arose not in parapsychology, but in psychology proper when, 
during the 1920s psychologists and sociologists sought to identify and 
establish the characteristics of normal and abnormal behavior. 

One of the widely stated motives behind this effort had to do 
with the idea that if normal behavior was identified and socially rein- 
forced then more perfect societies could be constructed. In a certain 
sense, this also called for the elimination, or at least the exclusion, of 
the abnormal. 

This, of course, was a rather simplified and naive utopian con- 
cept within the then trendy Modern Progressive Era, and as such was 
supported in its early stages with extraordinary enthusiasm in science, 
sociology, and psychology. 

As it eventually turned out, however, the idea was quietly re- 
tired during the late 1950s. The reason is rather amusing and ironic. 
While it seemed easy enough to identify the abnormal, and then to con- 
demn it as socially undesirable, it proved increasingly difficult to estab- 
lish what the normal consisted of. 

With this psycho-sociological development, parapsychologists of 
the time became concerned that their topics of study and research would 
be lumped into the abnormal category, and which indeed was soon the 
mainstream case. 

In seeking to escape this danger, they countered by indicating 
that psychic activity and phenomena were not abnormal, but 



145 


PARAnormal — simply and innocently meaning beyond, above or out- 
side of the normal. 

One of the important factors that got covered over in all of this 
was that the original psychic concept had nothing to do with things 
mental, psychological or behavioristic. 

This original concept now needs to be firmly recovered, not only 
for the purposes of this book, but on behalf of human energetics as a 
whole. 

THE ORIGINAL CONCEPT OF 
PSYCHIC FORCE AS AFFLUENT SUBSTANCE 

As we have seen in chapter 9, during the 1870s, Edward Will- 
iam Cox introduced the potent term PSYCHIC into the languages of 
the world. But he introduced the term not as the noun it later became, 
but as an adjective specifying a particular type of force among all kinds 
of forces. 

The term AFFLUENT doesn’t seem to be used very much any- 
more. It has two principal definitions, the second of which has to do 
with being financially wealthy. 

Otherwise, it is taken from the Latin AFFLUERE (to flow), and 
in English came to mean “to flow abundantly,” and hence was associ- 
ated with anything that did so. 

Cox, a lawyer, took great care and pains in describing psychic 
force, and published his descriptions in his 1871 book SPIRITUALISM 
ANSWERED BY SCIENCE. This is a wonderful book and remains one 
of the most cogent descriptions not only of the Renaissance concept of 
vital energies, but has direct relationship to the traditional Chinese 
concept of CHT energy. 

THE AFFLUENT SUBSTANCE 

Cox enumerates a number of factors that need to be considered 
in order to comprehend the nature of psychic force. 

He first points up that in Spiritualism it is held that everyone 
possesses an “amount of animal magnetism," and that animating mag- 
netism is what he, Cox, has renamed “psychic force.” 

However, whether called animal magnetism or psychic force, 


146 


“it” is a “magnetic material" and/or an “affluent substance” that “pro- 
ceeds from” some kind of human body- matter. 

Whatever the affluent substance is and whatever kind of body- 
matter is involved, it is “projected from the whole or part of the body 
structure, and, like other forces of nature, is perceptible to our senses 
only when it meets with some obstacle. All possess it, more or less.” 

Cox stipulated that the medium who produces physical phe- 
nomena “has it more, and thus attracts it from those with whom he [or 
she] is in communication” — the extended assumption being that those 
possessing more affluent magnetic substance of whatever kind, stimu- 
late and attract corresponding responses in those who have lesser 
amounts of it. 

The only real problem with the whole of this is that the modern 
sciences do NOT admit that this kind of magnetism or force exists — 
even though its existence is continuously experienced by people every- 
where. 

MAJOR CHARACTERISTICS OF THE AFFLUENT SUBSTANCE 

Perhaps on an assumption that Science would come to its senses 
later on, in his 1871 book, Cox gives a very cogent outline of “The Scien- 
tific Theory of Psychic Force.” 

He itemizes the major characteristics of the force — which I’ll 
try briefly to clarify in order to escape from the complications of Victo- 
rian English syntax. 

1 There is a Force proceeding, from, or directly associated with, 
the human organization (read organism, or body structure plus 
its animating energies.} 

2 In certain persons and under certain conditions, this Force “can 
cause vibrations or motion in heavy bodies (such as furniture, 
other bodies, etc.) external to the person. The Force can also 
produce audible and palpable sounds in such bodies. 

3 The Force does this “without muscular contact or any material 
connection between” any person present. 

4 This Force appears to be frequently directed by some intelli- 
gence.” 

5 “For reasons to be specified, we conclude that this Force is gen- 
erated m certain persons of peculiar nervous organization in 
sufficient power to operate beyond bodily contact." 

147 


6 “There can be little doubt that the Force is possessed by every 
human being — that it is a NECESSARY [emphasis added] con- 
dition of the living nerve, if, indeed, it be not the vital force 
itself.” 

7 “In ordinary persons, it ceases to operate at or near the extremi- 
ties of the nerves; in Psychics it flows beyond them in waves of 
varying volume and power." At this point in his phenomenologi- 
cal line-up, Cox refers to a Dr. Richardson who also had been 
examining psychic force, and whom had presented his Findings 
in the POPULAR SCIENCE REVIEW. 

8 “He [another researcher named Richardson] contends that there 
is a nerve fluid (or ether), with which the nerves are enveloped, 
and by whose help it is that the motion of their molecules com- 
municates sensations and transmits the commands of the will. 

9 ‘This nerve ether is, he thinks, no other than the vital force. It 
extends with all of us somewhat beyond the extremities of the 
nerve structure, and even beyond the surface of the body — en- 
compassing us wholly with an envelope of nerve atmosphere, 
and which varies in its depth and intensity in various persons. 
“This [Richardson) contends, will solve many difficult problems 
in Physiology and throw a new light on many obscurities in Psy- 
chology and Mental Philosophy." It might be noted here that 
the “many obscurities" remain still obscured. 

1 0 ‘The Force exhibits itself in pulsations or undulations. It is never 
steadily continuous." However, the tremors caused by the Force 
in a table, chair, floor, or in organic bodies, are likened to the 
waves of light or sound. 

1 1 “The differences of the sensation between the operation of the 
Psychic Force and of muscular force is so manifest as to be pal- 
pable instantly to everybody who witnesses [experiences] it.” 

12 The strength, or power, of the Force is conditional upon the 
mental and emotional status of the individual and individuals 
involved. The Force is “sometimes, but rarely, exhibited when 
the Psychic is alone. As a rule, the presence of other persons 
promotes the operations of the Force." 

13 The Force “is materially influenced by the electric and mag- 
netic conditions of the atmosphere and of surrounding bodies, 
by heat and cold, by moisture and dryness, and still more by the 
nervous conditions of the persons present.” 

1 4 As will be examined in the following chapter, characteristics of 
the Force can be perceived by a variety of clairvoyant means. 
But if the manifestations of the Force are powerful enough, they 


148 


can be witnessed by normal perceptions. Exposure to the mani- 
festations sometimes temporarily increases the clairvoyant fac- 
ulties of individual's in their proximity, faculties which other- 
wise lay dormant. 

15 “The attention of the Psychic” regarding manifestations of the 
Force is not necessary. This is suggestive that the manifesta- 
tions of the Force arise from “an UNCONSCIOUS action of the 
brain, the ganglion, or the nerves.” 

UNCONSCIOUS CEREBRATION 

Cox stated that the manner in which this unconscious action is 
effected “is undiscovered because it has not been examined scientifi- 
cally.” Then, or now, it might be added. But Cox refers to the matter of 
“unconscious cerebration.” 

In order to illuminate the Force as being “frequently directed 
by some intelligence,” Cox next refers to Carpenter’s theory of “uncon- 
scious cerebration, or, in less learned language, the capacity of the brain, 
under certain conditions, to work, not only without the will, but with- 
out the consciousness of the individual.” 

“Unconscious cerebration” is identified as “hitherto mysteri- 
ous mental states which scientific men, unable to explain, have con- 
tented themselves with denying or ignoring, [while] unreflecting 
persons have attributed [the mysterious mental states] to super- 
natural influences." 

In more contemporary terms, unconscious cerebration is prob- 
ably equivalent to preconscious processes that take place in the subcon- 
scious before emerging into consciousness or mental perception. 

Indeed, in some fashion, sensory systems ORGANIZE data 
BEFORE it is forwarded to the conscious intellect. In this sense, then, 
unconscious cerebration can be thought of as a type of Intelligence func- 
tioning beneath conscious awareness. 

This matter is not as complicated as it might first sound. Al- 
though Cox utilizes sleep-walking and trance states as examples of 
unconscious cerebration, riding a bicycle or driving a car without con- 
sciously thinking about doing so are other examples. 



149 


IS PSYCHIC FORCE A FORCE? 

After Cox had identified the major characteristics of “the Force," 
he then goes on to mention: “The term PSYCHIC FORCE has been 
employed to describe the power or influence that either proceeds from 
or is intimately associated with the human organization." The term is 
used “for want of a fitter one, but we call it a FORCE because many of 
the phenomena present the results of a force." 

He compares psychic force to the forces of heat, light, magne- 
tism, electricity, and galvanism as consisting of energetic “particles in 
motion, making themselves perceptible to our senses when they strike 
against some opposing matter. 

“But it does not follow in this particular [regarding particles in 
motion] that Psychic Force should resemble those other forces. We call 
it a force for convenience, but it is doubtful if, strictly speaking, it be a 
FORCE— but having more the nature of an INFLUENCE than of mo- 
tion of particles projected and impinging on other bodies." 

The term INFLUENCE has several definitions, all associated 
with “flow" or “flowing." The definition Cox apparently was using is 
“the act or power of producing an effect without apparent exertion of 
force or direct exercise of command” 

A very early definition of INFLUENCE, however, referred to 
“an etherial fluid thought to flow from the stars,” or inherent in the 
universe, “and to affect the actions of men." 

THE DIRECT SIMILARITY OF PSYCHIC FORCE 
TO THE CHINESE CHI ENERGY 

One of the major, but subtle, situations regarding the forms of 
research we are discussing in this book is the rather broad failure of 
the modernist West to compare the phenomena of their research with 
the phenomena of the ancient Chinese Ch’i Gong [sometimes given as 
Qigong], 

The literature is quite large regarding Ch’i energies, and many 
of the most important, and remarkable, disciplines that download from 
knowledge of them can be found described in detail. 

Anyone wishing to discover sources to extend their knowledge 
beyond the scope of this book can easily obtain a most competent book 


150 



entitled THE WAY OF QIGONG— THE ART AND SCIENCE OF CHI- 
NESE ENERGY HEALING, by Kenneth S. Cohen, and published in 
1997. 


In that book, QI or CH’I or chi is defined as “Life energy, vital 
energy, breath of life force, power, air." 

Cohen’s book is basically about Chinese energy healing by 
modulations of Qi energy, and which, with some sense of legitimacy, 
can be referred to as vital fluids. 

But for the purposes of this book having to do with sexualizing 
energies, his Index reveals a category identified as Sexual Qigong. 

Itemized under that heading one can discover the topics of Deer 
Exercise, ejaculation control, ejaculation frequency, exchanging sexual 
energies, and so forth. 

For this, it is clear that CH’I energetics have sexualizing rami- 
fications. It is through those particular ramifications that we can recog- 
nize the similarity to CH’I energies of animal magnetism, odic force, 
psychic force, and orgone energies. 

In this regard, one might even be brave enough to suggest that 
Mesmer, Reichenbach, Cox, and Reich (and even the photographers of 
energies) had encountered the phenomena traditionally associated with 
the ancient Chinese CH’I. 

As another immediately available source of information about 
the existence and uses of CH’I energy, one might refer to the recent, 
and decidedly rather surprising, 1997 book entitled CHINA’S SUPER 
PSYCHICS, authored by the CH’I master, Paul Dong, and his associ- 
ate, Thomas E. Raffill. 

In this book, the development of Chinese “super psychic" abili- 
ties is directly attributed to the utilization of CH’I energies. The devel- 
opment, via CH’I, includes influencing at a distance, and enhanced forms 
of clairvoyance, as will be described beginning in the next chapter. 

The authors give a description of “chi" (on page 131). They indi- 
cate that chi gong has a history of 3,000 years, and so the Chinese have 
developed many interpretations of it. 

In its most widespread definition, in everyday life chi refers to 
the air we breathe (this a metaphor for “breathing energies.") In terms 
of the body, i! refers to energy. In terms of life it refers to vitality. When 

151 




talking of activity, it refers to abilities. 

In other words, as the authors say, its meaning depends on the 

context. 

The term CHI GONG in itself means training the body’s ener- 
getic abilities, and bringing them to their optimal level. 

Dong and Raffill also point up (again on page 131) that in addi- 
tion to its medical value, Chinese researchers had discovered, by 1979, 
that chi gong is a catalyst via which “many people had developed psy- 
chic powers.” The book gives numerous examples of those developed, 
and quite impressive, psychics. 



Chapter 13 


CLAIRVOYANCE — TELESTHESIA 


The continuing exploration of the denied science of human sexual 
energies requires that we continue examining certain terms in order to 
grasp their deeper meanings beyond the merely superficial. Many of 
those terms are commonly utilized in a general sense, but without any 
in-depth idea of what they mean, especially as regards their forgotten 
historical background. 

Other terms that are very valuable have dropped out of use — 
largely because certain researchers sought to avoid them. Thus, the 
terminology games researchers played often caused the same phenom- 
ena to be referred to one way and than another. 

Additionally, some terms have been assigned so many mean- 
ings that except in some ambiguous way one can’t ever be quite sure 
what is actually being referred to. 

Two of these terms are CLAIRVOYANCE and TELESTHESIA, 
both of which are meaningful to the sensing/perceiving of sexual ener- 
gies. 

THE COMPLEX NATURE OF CLAIRVOYANCE 

The term CLAIRVOYANCE first appeared in French at about 
1503, but doesn’t seem to have been incorporated into English until 
more than 300 years later, at about 1847. 

It has several meanings in French. But in English it is gener- 
ally used only with the one meaning associated with it in 1847, which 
links the English use of the term to mesmeric phenomena. 

CLAIRVOYANCE: a faculty attributed to certain persons, or to 
persons under certain Mesmeric conditions, consisting of the mental 
perception of objects at a distance or concealed from sight. 

This English definition sounds competent enough on the sur- 
face, and it in easy to link it to the “second sight” of the Irish, and to the 
“seership" fucultioa of shamans world wide. But beyond that it doesn’t 


153 


I 


really enlighten one all that much. So it is helpful to survey the mean- 
ings given to the French terms CLAIR and VOYANCE. 

CLAIR refers to light, brightness, clearness, luminous, trans- 
parent, limpid, and to bright or transparent colors, shapes, and forms, 
and even to invisible clarity. VOYANCE refers to seeing. And so the 
first meaning of clairvoyance in French is, of course, seeing clearly. 

Many people have been socially conditioned to suppose they don’t 
have clairvoyant faculties. But this merely results from mind- condi- 
tioning and social reality-making by selective nomenclature. 

Everyone possesses clairvoyance. For example, if clairvoyance 
is defined literally as consisting of mental perception other than by sight, 
and if one is not utilizing one’s eyes while sleeping, then the perception 
of ones dreams actually is a type of clairvoyance. 

Often the eyes remain open during day-dreaming, but what the 
eyes are seeing often disappears from view. It’s quite safe to say that 
the eyes don’t really see what is being clairvoyantly seen either in day- 
dreaming or sleep dreaming. 

Inventors, artists, architects, engineers, “conceptualists” and 
ho forth are actually very good at seeing their works before they are 
rendered into physical form so that the eyes can then see them. 

Then there are the phenomena of “seeing with the Mind’s Eye" 
or “envisioning” or “intuiting” or “visualizing,” and all of which, except 
for the different nomenclature referencing, are types or degrees of clair- 
voyance. 

Strictly speaking in retrospect, the use in English of the term 
clairvoyance was probably not a very good idea. It would have been 
more accurate to refer to the “second sight” of the Scots and the Irish, 
since clairvoyance more literally refers to a second sight if compared to 
the first sight of the physical eyes. 

In 1920, James Lewis Spence (1874-1955), born and educated 
in Scot land, published an authoritative ENCYCLOPEDIA OF OCCULT- 
ISM, this being the first attempt to sort out the swamp of nomenclature 
involved. 

Spence also published more than forty other valuable works 


154 


dealing with mythology, folklore and the occult, and especially elucidat- 
ing upon the Atlantis theme. 

Spence more or less solidified the definition of CLAIRVOYANCE 
as: *‘A term denoting the supposed supernormal faculty of seeing per- 
sons and events which are distant in time or place, and of which no 
knowledge can reach the seer through the normal sense-channels.” 

As such, according to Spence, CLAIRVOYANCE may roughly 
be divided into three classes: 

• Perception of the past 

• Perception of the future 

• Perception of contemporary events happening at a distance, or 

outside the range of the normal vision. 

Why Spence did not include as a form of clairvoyance the per- 
ception of vital energies, auras and energy fields is something of a mys- 
tery. Here, of course, we will add this fourth general category. 

A number of important subdivisions of clairvoyance had been 
established earlier, at about 1890 and researched thereafter — albeit 
under certain strange nomenclature, such as telopsia and telecognosis, 
which didn’t quite catch on for reasons that might be obvious. 

Others did, however. For example: 

• X-ray vision (which did catch on) 

• Traveling clairvoyance (which also caught on) 

• Medical clairvoyance (which didn’t catch on, but is making a 

comeback today (and in this book, as well)) 

• Platform-clairvoyance (see below) 

• Macro clairvoyance 

• Micro clairvoyance 

• Hypnotic and trance clairvoyance 

• Ecstasy clairvoyance 

• Psychometric clairvoyance 

• Mixtures of clairvoyance and telepathy 

• Telesthesia clairvoyance 

A much longer list of clairvoyance types is available, but not 
needed here- with the exception of sexuality clairvoyance, which be- 
fore now haH never been included in any lists of clairvoyance types. 



165 


As a joyous aside, some might wonder what “platform-clairvoy- 
ance” is. It was the term assigned to the seeing of spirits, incorporeal 
entities, including ghosts, and death-bed (or near-death) visions which 
we today refer to as near-death experiences. 

The term “platform” was taken from the platforms provided 
during seances on which spirits manifested to be seen by the sitters. 
The sensitives and mediums who manifested etherializing force ener- 
gies also often sat on platforms. The proper term should be, of course, 
spirit clairvoyance. 

Medical clairvoyance is another interesting term. Tb get at its 
definition, we should first remember that clairvoyance was defined as a 
supernormal mode of perception which results in a visual image being 
presented to the conscious (or dreaming) mind. 

Medical clairvoyance was thus conceptualized as the faculty to 
see the inner mechanisms of the human body, diagnose disease, and 
perceive the human body aura and its constituents, its shifting colors, 
shapes, forms, extensions, and etc., its energies. 

Excluding the recalcitrant modernist mainstream, that medi- 
cal clairvoyance exists has been established beyond doubt. So, if medi- 
cal clairvoyance is possible, certainly mere sexual clairvoyance is also. 

The basis for medical clairvoyance was quite accepted in antiq- 
uity. Many records describe that medical healers employed clairvoy- 
ants (seers) to diagnose, or asked their patients to dream about what 
was wrong with them, or asked oracles, omen-readers, or diviners (all 
clairvoyant seers) to do the same service. 

In this respect, though, the idea of biological clairvoyance might 
be useful. The best term, however, might be bio-psychic clairvoyance — 
via which both the physical and psychic factors of the human being can 
be clairvoyantly seen and described. 

TELESTHESIA AS A FORM OF CLAIRVOYANCE 

By 1882, it had been found that the clairvoyant communica- 
tions between distant persons were not only comprised of “seeing” phe- 
nomena, but that such phenomena also often incorporated transference 
of thought, transference of emotions, transference of motor impulses, 
and of “many impressions not easy to define.” 

As might be suspected, this latter comment referred to trans- 
ference of sexual energies at some second-sight level other than the 
first sight level of the eyeballs. 


156 



Regarding the transference of thought, etc., Sir William Crookes 
had indicated something you might wish to read slowly: 

“It is known that the action of thought is accompanied 
by certain molecular movements in the brain , and here we have physical 
vibrations capable from their extreme minuteness of acting direct on in- 
dividual molecules , while their rapidity approaches that of the internal 
and external movements of the atoms themselves. ” 

Sir William’s statement remains one of the best regarding the 
basis of thought as molecular-atomic activity, and it was accepted as 
such back during the 1870s. 

But when the context of this statement was applied to the prob- 
lem of clairvoyant transference, it became quite evidential that the trans- 
fer also produced certain resonating molecular movements in the brain — 
and which molecular movements had vibrations capable of acting di- 
rectly on individual systems. This led to the idea that there were vari- 
eties of “clairvoyance” beside the “seeing” kind. 

There was, first of all, the thought-transference kind of clair- 
voyance which was not a seeing kind. To distinguish between the two, 
the term TELEPATHY was ultimately seized upon to denote the differ- 
ence between seeing clairvoyance and thought-transference clairvoy- 
ance. This term caught on and swiftly became popular because it was 
easy to think of thought-transference as a kind of “mental radio.” 

TELEPATHY refers to thoughts across distance. It is a emula- 
tion of the radio broadcasting model. During the 1880s theories 
abounded regarding utilizing electromagnetic radiation and waves for 
across-distance wireless communication. The term RADIO was taken 
from radiating. Radio broadcasting was shortly demonstrated in 1901. 

There remained, however, the problem of emotions and motor 
impulses across distance, and which were still incorporated within the 
general grab-all bag of clairvoyance. The transfer across distance of 
emotions and motor impulses did not involve “sight” or “telepathy” — 
and so new terms were needed to denote them. 

The transfer of emotions was referred to as “empathy transfer- 
ence;” this term did not catch on for long, and has never been replaced. 
So few of us realize that not only do our telepathic thoughts transfer 
across disl ancaa, but that our emotions do likewise — especially our sexu- 


157 





alizing ones. 

In 1882, F. W. H. Myers (1843-1901), a leading mind in early 
psychical research, coined a new term — TELESTHESIA — to denote 
motor impulse transfers across distances. 

The THESIA part of this term is taken from the Greek 
AISTHESIS meaning perception of sensations. It is most familiar to us 
when combined as ANE-THESIA, i.e., utilizing chemicals to deaden or 
to cause a loss of the perception of sensations. 

There was, and still is, much evidence for the existence of teles- 
thesia. Mothers, for example, when their children are hurt elsewhere 
at some distance away and out of sight, often feel sensations in the 
exact same place where the child is being wounded, plus knowing that 
the “hurt” refers to their children. 

There are proven examples of telesthesia in the psychical lit- 
erature. For example, the case of a Mrs. Fussey at Wimbledon, England, 
on November 4, 1914, is typical and famous. At home she suddenly felt 
in her arm the sharp sting of a wound. She immediately exclaimed that 
“Tab [her soldier son in France] is wounded in the arm. I know it!" The 
following Monday, confirmation arrived in the form of a telegram. 

The most familiar experiencing of telesthesia world-wide, how- 
ever, is sexual vibe sensing which is a combination of clairvoyance and 
telesthesia in that telesthesia is a transfer of sensations that affect in- 
voluntary motor impulses transferred across distance. 

As a term, however, TELESTHESIA did not catch on, even 
though its sister term, TELEPATHY, did. 

TELESTHESIA was meant to denote the clairvoyant transfer 
across distance of motor impulses, and “many impressions not easy to 
define.” Again we are among sex-loaded code words of the Victorian age 
when sex was taboo. 

Clearly, many kinds of stimulating motor impulses might be 
transferred across distance, some of which we are even today quite fa- 
miliar with, aren’t we? 

No one in their right mind will deny that certain “motor im- 
pulses” are part and parcel of sexual “communicating” and with emo- 
tional motor-impulse responses to it. 

168 



Indeed, if in some energetic fashion the sexual motor impulses 
did not activate and gear up, then there would be no responses to sexual 
vibes whether their source is near or far. 

We are now prepared to move on to the next great saga of an 
earlier researcher of human energetics. The terms discussed in this 
chapter won’t be used, because Karl von Reichenbach’s work took place 
before those terms became fashionable. But you will recognize the ex- 
periential concepts of various kinds of clairvoyance and telesthesia. 


169 



Chapter 14 


BEYOND CLAIRVOYANCE— LUCIDITY 


If there was nothing more beyond what has been examined so 
far, then this book would constitute not much more than a special his- 
torical treatment of human sensing factors and sexualizing energies 
rejected by the modernist mainstream sciences and philosophies of the 
cultural West. 

But there IS something more, a factor so ultra-strange that it 
has taken the first half of this book to erect a reality approach to it. The 
ultra-strange factor is identified as LUCIDITY And this and the next 
four chapters will be required to provide adequate background materi- 
als in order to flesh it out. 

DEFINITIONS OF LUCIDITY 

LUCID is an adjective, and means suffused with light, lumi- 
nous, brightness, translucent, having full use of one’s faculties, sane, 
and clear to the understanding. 

LUCIDITY is a noun. Two definitions of it are found in Webster’s. 

The first is given as “clearness of thought or style,” and in this 
sense it is a completely acceptable word even within mainstream work- 
ings. 

Its second established definition, however, might come as a sur- 
prise, and, all things considered, even as somewhat of a shock: ‘The 
capacity to perceive the truth directly and instantaneously: clairvoy- 
ance.” 

It is the background history of this second definition that must 
now be examined for two reasons. 

First, lucidity is not merely clairvoyance, but a super format of 
it, and so the definition above does little to enlighten very much. 

Second, there is a very big story involved and which has many 
complicated aspects. 

However, any real appreciation of the lucidity story must begin 
by making an attempt to bring at least a modicum of authenticity to 


Mil 


clairvoyance itself as a necessary human attribute. 

THE ABSOLUTE NECESSITY OF CLAIRVOYANT FACULTIES 

The general gist of this and the next four chapters can be brought 
to light via the following brief discussion having to do with the neces- 
sity of clairvoyant faculties that enable perception of invisible factors, 
energies and forces. 

We can get into this by posing an important and larger-picture 
question about what is actually needed for best chance and optimum 
human survival. 

If one takes enough time to assess the fundamental attributes 
human organisms need for best-chance survival, those attributes, in 
the bigger picture, will be seen as two-fold: the absolute necessity of 
sensing the visible-tangible AND the invisible-intangible. 

There is a simple computation involved that helps erect the 
needed reality here. If one can’t sense the invisible, one stands a very 
good chance of getting clobbered by it. This DOES NOT aid in survival, 
and there is a fair amount of historical documentation to back this up. 

Give or take a little, THIS simple computation was more or less 
understood as REAL by most societies up until the time the modern 
mainstream sciences “went” materialistic-only. 

This event (formulated at about 1845) erected the five-physi- 
cal-senses-only paradigm, and whose assumed authenticity thereafter 
required the deconstruction of clairvoyant faculties that could sense 
the invisible. 

It is abundantly true that the five physical senses alone can 
usually go a long way toward survival, although what survival is con- 
sidered to consist of has some bearing on this. 

But the five physical senses alone can often be quite notori- 
ously inadequate when, for example, it comes to such matters as fore- 
seeing what is going to happen, and when it will. Since antiquity, this 
foreseeing activity has been the principal role in all pre-modern cul- 
tures for clairvoyance under any format or name. 

But in the sense of this small discussion, the consideration is 
not between the five physical senses and clairvoyance (and various pro 


162 


and con attitudes regarding them), but more pointedly between sens- 
ing both the visible and the invisible. 

Thus, all human organisms are naturally endowed with clair- 
voyant sensing faculties, and this is the principal reason they keep 
emerging down through the generations in spite of any societal resis- 
tance to them. 

It might be added that the modern sentiments against clairvoy- 
ance have made such an illogical mess of this that it’s of little wonder 
that the simple factors occluded within it are difficult to perceive. 

Thus, if it can be stipulated that the human organism is natu- 
rally endowed in some way to sense invisibles, then the concept of clair- 
voyance is authentic. 

However, such natural endowments will fall into certain char- 
acteristics in respect of all natural endowments. 

Generally speaking, it is broadly understood that all natural 
endowments are only of a POTENTIAL nature. And it is understood as 
well that and as such the potentials need to be actively nurtured, fo- 
cused, honed, and somehow perfected if they are to achieve any kind of 
optimum efficiency. 

The distinction between natural clairvoyant faculties and lu- 
cidity is that the latter comes into functioning only if methods of artifi- 
cial enhancement are undertaken. 

The story of lucidity is therefore the tale of one such enhance- 
ment procedure. 

TO BEGIN THE STRANGE STORY OF LUCIDITY 

The story of lucidity begins as follows. The nature of clairvoy- 
ance and other energetic sensing principles are found itemized and ex- 
plained in ancient Eastern sources. 

During the latter half of the nineteenth century these were in- 
vestigated by a number of Westerners — some of whom had the enthusi- 
astic idea of activating their own extended perceptual powers more or 
less based on the ancient Eastern knowledge routes. 

And among those Westerners we now encounter a particular 
individual. I will introduce him in the following way. 

In antiquity there was a time when it could be said that all 
roads led to Rome. In much the same way, it can be said that all roads 

163 




. 


regarding modern concepts of the aura and clairvoyance lead back to 
the clairvoyant superpowers of one rather startling individual named 
Charles Webster Leadbeater. 

Leadbeater was such a complex, larger-than-life figure that his 
personality and psychology will probably never be sorted out. Thus, 
there are many approaches to introducing and discussing his cultural - 
shaping impacts. 

Here, however, we are principally interested only in his clair- 
voyant faculties, and so first and foremost, it is important to determine 
if his clairvoyant superpowers were authentic. And there is some star- 
tling, but compelling evidence in this regard. 

CHARLES WEBSTER LEADBEATER— CLAIRVOYANT SUPERSTAR 

Charles Webster Leadbeater (1854-1934) began his active life 
as a British clergyman, but soon joined the Theosophical Society in which 
he was to play a prominent part. 

He established a close working relationship with Annie Besant 
(1847-1933), another prominent Theosophist and eventual successor of 
Madame Helena Petrovna Blavatsky, the original power founder of 
Theosophy. It is apparent that Besant was no mean clairvoyant herself, 
but evidence relative to her faculties is not as clear-cut. 

The headquarters of the world Theosophical Movement was in 
Adyar, India. During the years just preceding 1908, Leadbeater and 
Besant teamed up to utilize “micro-clairvoyance” to perceive molecular 
and atomic particles. 

Micro-clairvoyance (a modern term) is one of the several 
supersentient faculties itemized, in the very ancient Siddhi literature 
of the Indian Subcontinent, as “Knowledge of the small, the hidden or 
the distant by directing the light of superphysical faculty.” 

It is not all that clear why the clairvoyant duo took an interest 
in micro-clairvoyance. But they set about working assiduously at this 
fabulous enterprise in order to clairvoyantly see and systematically 
describe the atomic and sub-atomic particles of all chemical substances. 

As might be expected, this effort consumed a number of years. 
But in 1908, the dynamic clairvoyant duo finally caused the Theoso- 
phists to publish the results in a rather ponderous tome entitled OC- 
CULT CHEMISTRY: CLAIRVOYANT OBSERVATIONS OF THE 


164 


CHEMICAL ELEMENTS. 


Most Theosophists then seem to have been completely bewil- 
dered by the voluminous book and its profusion of graphic illustrations 
of what molecular and atomic particles looked like. None the less it was 
revised and added to in a second even larger edition in 1919 by the two 
authors who had discovered more unknown micro-clairvoyant facts about 
chemical elements. And, after their deaths, it was enlarged in 1946 and 
again in 1951. The reason for the postmortem enlargements was most 
astonishing. 

After the invention of the electron microscope (first developed 
in Germany in 1932,) it could begin to be seen that the clairvoyant draw- 
ings of Leadbeater and Besant of the atomic and sub atomic particles of 
the elements corresponded almost exactly to what the electron micro- 
scopes revealed. 

Additionally, the clairvoyants had illustrated some elements 
which, at the time, were not known to exist, but later were discovered, 
and had correctly identified their atomic structures. 

In 1980, the American physicist, Stephen M. Phillips, in exact- 
ing detail pulled this entire story together in a book entitled EXTRA- 
SENSORY PERCEPTION OF QUARKS — a “quark” being an illusive 
elemental particle whose existence was not even suspected until the 
1960s. 

Had the clairvoyant duo of Leadbeater and Besant identified 
the structure of quarks? 

Yes, indeed, hence the name of Phillips’ book. 

But they had identified practically everything right down to the 
spin and electromagnetic valences of the most elemental particles. 

How could two Theosophists, now long dead, identify chemical 
elements unknown to scientists of their day?” mused Phillips in two 
popular articles published in FATE magazine of April and May 1987. 

Needless to say, conventional physicists ran and are still run- 
ning for the hills regarding this triumphant clairvoyant success. 

But for reasons decidedly obscure, it is perhaps equally mean- 
ingful (somehow) that this success caused not so much as a ripple in 
contemporary parapsychology— and which otherwise is always on the 
lookout for proof- positive of ANY Psi faculty. 


165 


Due to the remarkable confirmations obtained after Leadbeater’s 
death, there can be no doubt that his micro-clairvoyance was not only 
authentic (since it WAS authenticated), but also on the order of some 
unusual kind of magnitude. There is simply no other explanation. 

The human species may indeed possess rudimentary clairvoy- 
ant faculties. But the remarkable micro-clairvoyance of Leadbeater and 
Besant can arise only as the result of some kind of very controlled en- 
hancement methods and processes. Unfortunately, what these en- 
hancement methods consisted of have not yet been distilled out from 
the massive collections of Theosophical documents. 

SEXUALIZLNG ENERGY ENHANCEMENT OF CLAIRVOYANCE 

But there IS one essential clue, at least in the case of Leadbeater. 
It iH, however, a clue that no one— repeat, no one— will touch with a 
ten-foot pole. It resembles something like a forbidden meteoroid ob- 
liquely glancing off of Earth’s atmosphere and heading back into the 
dark reaches of space. 

As it transpired, Leadbeater caused the Theosophical Society 
to be embroiled in, of all things, extraordinary (and rather hilarious) 
sex scandals, the nature of which are usually reduced to the lowest 
common and standard denominators of moralistic confusions. As it 
turned out, however, Leadbeater AND Theosophy managed to survive 
these. 

As with even simple sex matters, it is exceedingly difficult to 
describe the central and entirely complex factors of the most major of 
1 hose scandals. So the better part of valor here is to attempt to describe 
what was involved as candidly as possible. It is quite clear that 
Ixiadbeater was interested in sexual energies, and that he probably could 
clairvoyantly see them and their scintillating activities. 

His approach to these was probably organized around some kind 
of esoteric Tantra “exercises” via which the sexual energies could be 
transmuted upwards (as it might be thought) to invigorate and activate 
(or empower) other more refined sentient energies that might respond 
to auch triggering. 

In fact, there are rich traditions in antiquity regarding the com- 
munal ritualizing of this kind of thing to trigger catharsis somewhat 
along the lines experienced around Anton Mesmer’s vats. 


16 (> 




But there is another important aspect involved. It was given 
extensive attention by Freud within the contexts he outlined for the 
LIBIDO — defined in Webster’s, believe it or not, as “emotional or psy- 
chic energy derived from primitive biological urges and usually goal 
directed, i.e., sex drive.” 

SEXUALLY DERIVED CATHEXIS 

However, about 2,500 years before Freud, a quite similar, but 
much more dignified, concept existed in ancient Greece — CATHEXIS 
referring to “the INVESTMENT [emphasis added] of libidinal energy 
in a person, object, or idea.” 

In the sense used in this definition, INVESTMENT referred to 
“an outer layer, or envelope”— and which in terms of human energetics 
places us in the proximity of the aura as the energy field that envelopes 
the physical aspects of the body. 

The CATHEXIS concept (giving name to a type of peak experi- 
encing) also draws close to the modern concept that sexual energies can 
be transmuted into creative ones — albeit the nature of the transmutating 
steps between the sexual and the creative energies remain conspicu- 
ously ambiguous and absent so far. 


Another way of putting this, as many have done, is to suggest 
that there can be connections between sexual orgasm and so-called psy- 
chic orgasm. It is helpful, though, to clarify these types of orgasm as sex 
energy orgasm and psychic force orgasm. 


In any event, it is obvious that Leadbeater was attempting to 
opportune the transmutating investiture of productive cathexis by means 


historically remembered. 

This is to say, to do so via communal, participatory ritualizing 
of the sexual energies. This, if successfully pulled off, is a little difficult 
to articulate. 

^But the idea was that it would “lift” the sexual energies toward 
triggering the energetic empowerment of “higher” faculties — and within 
whose scope the faculties of super-clairvoyance, super-lucidity, etc., would 
be brought on line. ^ 


Hero il can be mentioned that although Wilhelm Reich utilized 
different term* mid concepts, his orgasm-orgone research led toward 


167 


achieving cathexis much along the same line as Leadbeater s work. 

Now, considering the ultra-prudish, sex-freakish Victorian times 
involved, it might reasonably be expected that ANY format of all this, if 
publicly known, would undergo extensive censure. Leadbeater’s method, 
though, was certain to get him into deep kimchi or do-do. And so it 
transpired. I 

As all achieved Trantric experts do, Leadbeater distinguished 
between the qualities, functions, and powers of the female and male 
sexual energies. I 

Presumably because males and females have somewhat differ- 
ent energy equipment, waves, flows, frequencies, they each have differ- 
ent needs. Thus, there is a logic to the idea that the uplifting energies of 
the two sexes should be “developed" separately from each other. 

Leadbeater’s charisma (there can be no doubt that he possessed 
high voltages of it) was such that he attracted a “court" of youngish 
males perpetually around him, and which never numbered less than 
twenty or so. 

Leadbeater was an early sex liberationist, indicating that full 
sexual experiencing within concomitants of guilt had an authentic place 
in life. Due to the prudery of the times, he covertly advocated the thera- 
peutic advantages of masturbation, teaching it and the best ways of 
obtaining full therapeutic benefits from it. 

His court, however, had an inner circle of students (chelas), 
numbering about six or so, who were advanced in their studies. 

Hoping to achieve the cathexis investiture of the higher ener- flj 
getic envelope, they all reposed in a circle and attempted to utilize syn- 
chronized masturbation to trigger the higher powers. 

This process required two important provisos, rather strenuous 
it would seem: 

• that all involved were to time their physical ejaculations to the 
same precise moment 

• that the electrifying jolts of climaxing ecstasy experienced 
was, by each participant, to be lifted, by deliberate attention 
and will, above mere erotic enjoyment in the attempt to trans- 
mute that ecstasy “upward" so as to mutually energize the 
“higher energy vehicles" of all involved. 

The exacting, simultaneous coordination among six or so young 


168 


males required, of course, a lot of practice. 

But history had it that the Spartans had succeeded in this, 
thereby making them a Force to be dealt with — as well as had various 
elements of ancient Persia, Babylon, Egypt, Macedonia — and of course, 
ancient India from which the exoteric and esoteric Tantric formulas 
had emerged in the first place. 

When news of these activities gradually became more broadly 
known, the Theosophical Society was of course embroiled in rather sen- 
sational “scandals." One vocal critic indicated that the Society had been 
‘laid to ruin — and by one man.” 

Leadbeater temporarily retired from the ruin and voyaged to 
Australia — where he developed an even stronger following — but even- 
tually was received back into the Society as a most honored “Elder 
Brother." 

Those who have attempted to analyze this particular aspect of 
the Elder Brother’s life have not coped with it very well — possibly be- 
cause they were embarrassed by it. However, the analysts of Leadbeater 
were probably not well versed in Tantric matters, or in the history of 
sexual catharsis of Ancient Greece and Egypt. 

With those historical factors in mind, it would have been clear 
that Leadbeater did not completely invent the methods — and that there 
was a more than adequate historical basis for them regarding thera- 
peutic catharsis and metaphysical cathexis as established in antiquity. 


This historical basis revealed the existence of a power-link be- 
tween unobstructed sexual energies and unobstructed higher creative, 
empowering functions— concepts of which infused the so-called “Mys- 
tery Schools" of antiquity. 

And here, it must be said, is a solitary clue as to why subse- 
quent societies (including the modernist ones), which are NOT prepared 
to endorse wide-spread development of higher powers, have always felt 
it necessary to erect layers of intolerance and confusion not only around 
the higher powers but around sexuality issues also. 


( Put another way, that unobstructed sexual experiencing and 
realization can, under cer tain ^ n^th'ntmn nf the 

human faculties of high states of liiri<fl rtv j 

Much of all of this seems to have been incorporated into the 
astonishing persona of Charles Webster Leadbeater. And so it can eas- 



ily be understood why, on the one hand, he represented several layers 
of societal “threat,” but why, on the other hand, he embodied a super- 
magnetic charisma somewhat impervious to various machinations of 
societal denting. 

Perhaps as a last analysis, the micro-clairvoyant Leadbeater- 
Besant duo espied and illustrated (in drawings) the “anatomy” of chemi- 
cal and atomic particles, and the patterns of their energies, before it 
became possible to do so by technically advanced methods. 

They identified several chemical-atomic particles, the existence 
of which were only scientifically discovered decades later. 

Eighty or so years after their book OCCULT CHEMISTRY sev- 
eral hundred pages in length, their percentage of error has turned out 
to be so small as to be negligible. 

At various points in his life, Leadbeater was very prolific in 
writing about fluidic vital energies of all kinds. 

Ultimately, these will in the future be compared to discoveries, 
via advanced technologies, of human energetic fields — otherwise once 
known as AURAS. 


170 




Chapter 15 

ufc ajU lAAtAT* AOj tW- XtVj 

The term AURA is taken from the Greek word meaning “breeze 
or air.” Thus, breeze-air is a basic metaphor for those kinds of energies 
that constitute the aura. 

Implicit in the breeze-air concept are the factors of invisibility 
and motion but which are tangible. The basic concept for the aura, then, 
is of invisible, air-like energies that are in motion and are tangible. 

This motional aspect must deliberately be carried in mind, be- 
cause artistic and photographic representations of auras tend to show 
them as static and motionless. 


In English, AURA is defined as: 

1 A subtle sensory stimulus, or a distinctive atmosphere surround- 
ing a given source; 

2 A luminous radiation; a subjective sensation (as of lights) expe- 
rienced because of unidentified mental constituents, or before 
or during various kinds of altered states of consciousness ” 

Sources other than dictionaries also stipulate that AURA can 
consist of “a subjective sensation (as of lights) that frequently precedes 
creativity and visionary experiencing,” while “lights” also go off in 
peoples’ headsjegardin^sexualizing stimuli. 

O \ rvvpc 

Even though the use of the term aura has become commonplace, 
the phenomenon the term signifies is actually composed of a number of 


1 1] •uJ if*’ • 




The all-encompassing term perhaps should be the one utilized 
in antiquity: AUREOLE . This denoted “radiant lights around the head 
or body.” Within the aureole are aural lights and different kinds of trans- 
parent “air or breezes” usually seen and pictured as undulating colors. 

SUBTLE EMANATIONS OF ANY SUBSTANCE 


inga 


AURA was first used about 1398 in its ancient context as denot- 

e or a zephyr . 

as shortly thereafter used to denote a subtle emanation or 


171 


exhalation of any substance, such as the smell of blood or the color and 
odor of flowers, but especially regarding “the volatile essence of the soul, 
that ethereal aura.” 

ELECTRICAL ATMOSPHERES AND FLUIDIC PLASMA 

By 1732, the term was being used, by Benjamin Franklin among 
others, in the contexts of “electrical atmospheres,” not only of the physi- 
cal kind, but of more subtle kinds. 

This, perhaps, could be likened to later concepts of “plasma" — 
sometimes defined as “a fluidic part” of something as distinguished from 
suspended part of solid materials. There is a connection here to plastics 
(after they were invented) in their sense of solid materials that are 
plyable, bendable, capable of adapting, and can return to their original 
formative shape. 

MUSCLE JUICES AND AURAS OF THE SEMINAL FLUID 

By 1836, aura was also sometimes used in an anatomical sense, 
apparently with some scientific foresight, in the contexts of “a juice that 
can be expressed from muscles;” and “the patterns of growth-fecunda- 
tion are attributable to the agency of an aura from the seminal fluid.” 

Give or take a little, this, in 1836, is particularly impressive — 
because advanced genetic research only today is beginning to under- 
stand that our genetic materials may in fact be more made up of bio- 
electromagnetic patterns ( or bio-blueprints) which are “carried" bv_thii 
physical molecular DNA proteinsj i liese are the patterns which are 
transferred to the next generations. 

THE TANGIBLE AND EMOTIONAL AURA 

By 1863, AURA was being used in the context of: “On approach- 
ing the hand to the whirl in motion, a slight draught is felt due to the 
movement of the electrified air [in addition to air motion itself.] This 
draught or wind is known as the electric aura, and which might tingle 
the skin.” 

This concept is quite akin to F. W. H. Myers 1882 concept of 
telesthesia, which was discussed earlier. Telesthesia consists of the trans- 
ference of emotions and motor impulses that elicit similar responses in 
those that receive the transference. The electric aura seemingly would 
elicit such responses. 


172 


Gov CA.es/e- ojuurcv2>. 

Oft KU.N££. 

RODS, UNDULATING BEAMS, AND 
TRANSPARENT EMANATIONS 

As strange as it seems, and even though it is quite an old term, 
AURA seems NOT to have been vigorously applied to descriptions of 
the phenomena dealt with by Mesmer, Reichenbach, or applied to the 
Psychic Force, or to Reich’s Orgone energy. 

Rather, the phenomena of these, when perceived, were described 
NOT as auras but as emanations usually transparent, further consist- 
ing of lights, rods, undulating beams, fogs, mists, and subtle energies, 
^etc.. always in motion. 

Here is an interesting clue to something that is difficult to ar- 
ticulate. If one clairvoyantly focuses on trying to perceive an aura, the 
chances are that it will not be seen. 

But if one focuses on trying to perceive energies, lights, rods, 
mists, etc., the chances of clairvoyant perceptions seem to increase. 

WHAT THE AURA SHQULD LOOK LIKE 

Perceptions of aureoles during the modern times have under- 
gone several phases, the nature of the phases being determined by in- 
fluential persons who wrote about the phenomena in ways distinctive 
to them. 

The distinctions as set forth often acted to condition the follow- 
ers of influential persons — and thus arguments have arisen in various 

occult and visionary camps as to WHAT the aura really should look 
like. 

Many hearsay descriptions, although not altogether inaccurate, 
were given something of a jolt with the emergence into the energetics 
scene of one Walter J. Kilner 

^THE HUMAN ATMOSPE ffiRE^/ 

Modern descriptions of auras go back to the early nineteenth 
century. But the first individual to really electrify modem conscious- 
ness during the twentieth century was Dr. Walter J. Kilner (1847-1920). 

Kilner, a medical doctor, became a member of the Royal College 
of Physicians in 1883, conducting a private medical practice in London, 
and at St. Thomas’s Hospital where he consulted in electro-therapy. 


173 


\uA Vavv^oc^ wwAe/ wyA'"*- 

He was familiar with the work of Baron von Reichenbach, 
and seems to have worked, behind the medical scenes, with clair- 
voyants in attempts to distinguish the differences and changes in 
the auras in sickness and health — and, somewhat to reprise 
Hyppolite Baraduc, at death. 

Around 1908, just as the manuscript of OCCULT CHEMISTRY 
was being prepared for print in India, Kilner got the idea that the hu- 
man aura, hitherto usually visible only by clairvoyant means, might be 
made visible if “viewed through a suitable filter.” 

After a number of experiments to identify what such a filter 
might consist of, he found that the substance dicvanin, a coal-tar de- 
rivative (a fall-out discovery of Reichenbach), was effective for his pur- 
poses of revealing the aura. 

( Unfortunately, the EXACT nature of his tt dicyanin screen ” seems 
to have been lost to posterity. ^ 

In any event, his “screen” consisted of a solution of dicyanin 
coal-tar dye between two hermetically sealed pieces of glass, and which 
solution gave the color green to the filter. 

Looking through it first in daylight, either to desensitize or 
hyper-sensitize the eye, and then turning the eye on a naked man in 
dim light before a dark background, “three distinct radiations, all lay- 
ing in the ultra-violet end of the spectrum, became visible.” 

The first was dark and colorless, and it surrounded the body to 
a depth of a quarter to a half inch. Kilner called this the “etheric double.” 

The second, the inner aura (to distinguish it from the third outer 
aura), extended about three inches beyond the etheric double, while the 
third, the outer aura, fell a little short of a foot in depth. 

Kilner tried various other experiments. He found that the depth 
of the aura is influenced by a magnet, that it is sensitive to electric 
currents to the extent of “completely vanishing under a negative charge 
from a Wilmhurst machine and increasing to an additional 50 percent 
after the charge dissipates.” 

The overall auras were “also affected by the vapors of various 
chemicals, and to loss of brilliance in hypnosis. Illness affects both the 
aura’s size and color. Impairment of the mental powers causes a dimi- 
nution in size and distinctness. Nervous diseases result in well observ- 
able changes in all three of the auras.” 

(W* W) 174 \)^ ( > 



C-PoDVC 


» VUa ^ y 

mi 


From all this, Dr. Kilner concluded that “the higher brain cen- 
ters” are intimately concerned in the “nerve-aura” and the “nerve atmo- 
spheres.” He also indicated that “with the approach of death the aura 
gradually shrinks, and no trace of it is later discovered around the 


»rpse. 


^ ejcA ^ 


He also laid claim to the discovery that the aura may be af- 
fected by an effort of will, and that it may “be projected to a longer 
distance from the body and change its shape and colors.” This claim, 
however, is not original to Kilner, since it was understood in China, 
India, and Mesopotamia as early as 2 T 500 B .C. % * 

From the differences in the aura, Kilner also drew numerous 
mescal contusions having ^do^w hh^defi^ and healing cures. 

He also found that the auras of different people may show “at- 
traction,” that they may “be blended and become more intense by doing 


so. 


His experiments along these lines are not described in detail, 
but we sense that we are on somewhat familiar and recognizable ground 
here at least as regards sexuality aty-acting because of intensification 
via becoming “blended.” 

Although not reported in his subsequent books, it was known 
that his findings also included observations that “sexual arousal ex- 
panded the auras, causing them to intensify, and sometimes filling the 
room.” 

The logical assumption here is that Kilner and others actually 
viewed sexual arousal via the^icyanir^creei^ 

Kilner first published a not very large, but quite momentous 
book entitled THE HUMAN ATMOSPHERE (1911). 

This reported on the experiments he had undertaken enabling 
him and others to see, with their eyes, that “atmosphere.” This book 
turned scientific and popular society on their heads at the time. 

And for the next three decades, the human atmosphere revela- 
tions of Kilner ’s books acted like a blast furnace. 

Very many undertook to experiment along similar lines, but 
Kilner and his immediate colleagues seem to have been the best to per- 
ceive the aura, indicating that perhaps he had a little true clairvoyant 
boost in addition to his screens. 




175 


Because Kilner had reported that the aura “may be PRO- 
JECTED,” and that auras could attract, mix, and become more intense 
by doing so, numerous experiments by others were designed to follow 
up on these particular aspects. 

C VaJ l u 

(The seminal reason here was that people might, by “auric will,” 
influence each others auras, and the advantages of this seemed obvi- 
ous enough.^ 

But this aspect of Kilner s work approached dangerously close 
to what was feared the most in modernist mainstream enclaves— IN* 
FLUENCE^from f\ 0*<A*<* 

Thus, the now predicable troubles began. The “exteriorization 
of nerve-energy” was objectionable to modern scientific thinking, as we 
have earlier seen, since such was entirely redolent of the empowerment 
of direct mind-influencing concepts. ^ 


Although Kilner did achieve many medical endorsements, sci- 
ence in general remained dismissive of his findings. 


SCIENCE DISCOVERS THE TH 


ERMAI^URA 


Scientific resistance to Kilner’s aura findings was maintained 
until the first “thermal auras” near the surface of the skin were photo- 
graphed with infrared methods during the 1970s. 

These auras proved to be about a quarter to an half inch in 
depth, as reported in SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN and other mainstream 


sources. 




r 


The thermal auras, infrared in nature, and thus darkly shad- 
owed, had been seen by clairvoyants, including C. W. Leadbeater, as the 
“dark” etheric double. 

The revelations o f thermal photography more or less matched 
the perceptions of clairvoyants, although IriAT comparison was not 
pointed up in mainstream media reporting on thermal auras. 


However, the “thermal auras” provided a new mystery. Whereas 
if only heat were being produced, then it would bleed of! into the air 
around. But the thermal auras had a distinct edge to them, through 
which body-heat emissions were nowhere seen to escape. Since l>ody- 
heat emissions do escape, the implication was that some other kind of 


176 


energy was perhaps involved. \ ' , . /v 

>^rovAVcfv\c rvMAl 

AURAS AS ENERGY FIELDS 






AURAS AS ENERGY FIELDS 


Because the early modernist mainstream sciences had unequivo- 
c ally denounced any possible existence of auras of ANY kina, some. 
thing of an embarrassing situation arose as various kinds of technical 
electromagnetic detecting equipment bec ame av ailable. ) / 

One way to disarm the increasingly embarrassing situation was 
simply to adopt terminology that had never been utilized by the clair- 
voyant contingents. 

f Thus, the new detecting equipment revealed not aura pulsa- 

" By 1971, the equipment had detected magnetic (used now in its 
scientific sense) pulsations regarding crystals, plants, animals, water, 
air, clouds, storms, wells, springs, various places on the surface of the 
planet, and the whole human body AND various different parts of it, 
including the genitalia. 

Clairvoyants would, of course, continue to refer to these pulsa- 
tions as different kinds of auras. 

But in their now scientific aspect, the equipment-confirmed 
pulsations could generically be referred to as “energy fields”— thus neatly 
separating science jargon from the objectionable aura jargon.. 


Since 1971, science in large part has maintained that the en- 
ergy fields can be detected only by equipment — and not by clairvoyant 
or telesthesia detection. J 


n ) 

nil 


This scientific insistence rather crudely, but clearly, downsizes 
numerous kinds of “human potentials” well-attested to elsewhere in 
human history^j^ ^ 

What is so far true, however, is that the equipment detects only 
electromagnetic energies — not vita l, animating life forces. 

And as of this writing the cutting edges of the advancing sci- 
ences are more or less agreed, behind the scenes, that the electromag- 
netic energies alone do not account for animate life forms, much less 
life entities. 


177 


I 


{VVS*4vW2*b . 




» 


k*\^eMC 

C^i^\c^c-C 


«aAA ^die4rv^\C ow^sCc**- 

<M? - 


»<, C^ulfc£. CcvwyD^V - 

Chapter 16 

‘THE ENTANGLED MANIFESTATION” 

Several elements of the aura energy fields were examined in 
the preceding chapter. However, those elements were merely a selec- 
tion of the more simple and obvious phenomena of the aura energy fields. 

These simple elements needed to be identified, but they were 
also presented as background for the additional , highly complex e le- 
ments discussed in the chapters ahead. ^ 

Like most other things that have dynamic importance to life 
and living, the nature of energetic auras i$ not a simple matter if one 
begins in-depth examination. 

As a way of getting into what is to follow, it is worthwhile mak- 
ing reference to a bigger picture scenario into which the existence of 
aura energy fields will logically fit. 

The modern sciences of the nineteenth century first assumed 
that the universe was made up of n/atter— and that the physical atom 
was the smallest indivisible particle of matter. 

When it became possible to “smash" atoms during the atomic 
age, it was seen that the atom was divisible into energetic particles. 

Roughly speaking, then, the atom was composed of energy, and 
this clearly implied that the most fundamental “ingredient” of the uni- 
verse was not matter but energy. 

Out of the energies, or because of them, the atoms of physical 
matter are somehow composed and come into physical or electromag- 
netic existence. 

As this book was undergoing final editing, the January, 1999, 
issue of SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN mag azine published an article en- 

titled REVOLUTION IN COSMOLOGY. 4“ CW . 

The article indicated that “New observations have smashed the 
old [scientific] view of our universe. For the past year, theorists have 
scrambled to make sense of the latest data. 

“Either the universe is dominated by a bizarre form of energy . 
. . or our universe is just one strangely curved bubble of space-time in 
an infinite continuum." 


179 




\XfoZ. ^ ciMA.Afly’ 

If, then, physical matter is not the basic stuff of the universe, 
but energy is, then a significant question can be posed — at least for 
hypothetical consideration. 

f Why should ANY life systems emerge on any planet only in a 

I strictly three-dimensional physical context and with sensing systems 
l geared uniquely and only to perceiving the physical forms of matter? 

This question can be posed in a number of other ways. For ex- 
ample, since energy is the fundamental constituent of physical matter, 
why should life forms consist only of the matter and not the energy? 

Or, if life foYms are fundamentally erected out of energy, why 
should they only possess sensory systems regarding matter, and not 
/ possess sensory systems regarding energies? ^ 

The most comprehensive, and logical, answer is that all life sys- 
tems have arrays of sensing mechanisms and faculties regarding both 
matter and energy— and in fact it is understood that all life forms are 
probably more sensitive overall to energies than to physical matter. 

This equates to TWO sets of sensing systems, one geared for 
perceiving the physical, the other geared for perceiving the energetic. 

While philosophic and scientific confusions can arise, as they 
have, regarding the existence of the double matter-sensing and energy- 
sensing systems, there is one fundamental area of energy sensing and 
experiencing that leaves little doubt in this matter. 

This fundamental area has to do with the sensing of dynamic 
sexual energies — a.k.a. sexual vibe sensing — and which are invisible to 
physical eye-sight. 

SEXUAL ENERGY SENSING SYSTEMS 

There can be absolutely no doubt that our human species pos- 
sesses sexual sensing systems, although the efficiency of these can be 
distorted or downgraded by societal confusions. 

Of course, in the behavioristic context, this type of vibe-energy 
sensing is explained away as subliminal responses to “cues” of body 
language and behavior posturing. 

Such cues probably play an obvious role, but the responses of- 


180 


ten occur over distances when the direct sighting of body cues is not 
possible. 

Subliminal perception of sexualizing aura energies is a far more 
logical explanation for sensing invisible sexual energies, especially if 
the human being is energy-based in the first place. 

For clarity here, if one senses another’s sex vibes, then those 
vibes are emanating from the other person’s aura energy fields. In that 
one is sensing invisible energies in this case, such sensing is a form of 
clairvoyance, albeit this term is not usually applied to the sensing of 
sex vibes. 

v>V „ 

EMOTIONAL ENERGY SENSING SYSTEMS 

People also possess energy sensing systems with regard to emo- 
tions radiating from energy fields of others, such as emanations of love, ^ 
hate, acceptance and rejection, danger, approachability, imminent ill- 
ness or death, and etc. 

Again for clarity, one is sensing invisible emotion-laden ener- 
gies from another's aura energy^ fields. This kind of thing is often re- 
ferred to as empathy, which in itself is frequently being acknowledged 
as a type of clairvoyance. 

THE COMPLEXITY OF AURA ENERGY FIELDS 

By considering the two types of aura energy sensing above, it 
can begin to seem that aura energy fields must be complex if they can 
emanate sexual and emotional radiations. 

Therefore, the aura is not simply an oval energy field around 
the body, but has a multitude of highly complex and dynamic factors. 

But this is what might be expected. After all, the physical hu- 
man bio-body is ultra-complex, indeed marvelously so. Why, then, should 
its energy aura fields not be at least as equally complex? 

EARLY OBSERVATIONS OF THE AURA 

Many nineteenth century descriptions of the aura seen clair- 
voyantly indicate it as 44 An emanation said to surround human beings, 
and supposed to proceed from the nervous systems. It is described as an 
oval cloud of light, and suffused with various colors. This is perceived 



i 


clairvoyantly, being imperceptible to the physical sight.” 

From this description (which has had wide exposure) it can eas- 
ily be supposed that the aura, in a kind of static passive way, is a thing 
having prescribed shape, form and contours. 

However, backtracking to the Renaissance, the venerable 
Paracelsus indicated auras of a quite different nature: 

“The vital force is not enclosed in man, but radiates around him 
like a luminous sphere, and it may be made to act at a distance. In 
these semi-natural rays, the imagination of man may produce healthy 
or morbid effects. It may poison the essence of life and cause diseases, or 
it may purify it after it has been made impure, and restore the health. 

“Our thoughts are simply magnetic emanations, which, in es- 
caping from our brains, penetrate into kindred heads andcarry thither, 
with a reflection of our life, the mirage of our secrets. " 

THE AURA AS VITAL FORCE LUMINANT 

Here, then, is a description of a quite different caliber. Indeed, 
the aura Paracelsus describes is not an aura as a thing in itself, but in 
his view is actually the vital force luminant, extending beyond the body, 
and which can act at a distance. 

The direct implication is that the vital force luminant is not a 
static cloud of colors, but an active entity in its own right, and one that 
would seem to have highly active and mobile characteristics. 

Modern descriptions of the aura in this sense are rare. This 
rarity indicates a number of things, major among which is that this 
kind of aura activity is more difficult to perceive and so it usually isn’t. 

But if we consider that there are subtle but meaningful distinc- 
tions between perceiving and sensing, then it is quite clear that certain 
types of vital emanations which “penetrate into kindred heads" can be 
sensed if not actually perceived clairvoyantly. 

It doesn’t take any great leap of imagination to comprehend 
that although the emanations can be clairvoyantly perceived, they can 
more easily be sensed as “vibrations” — i.e., usually, and frequently, de- 
scribed as “vibe sensing” 

To mention again for emphasis, vibe sensing can easily be 


182 


thought of as a type of clairvoyance without the pictures, so to speak. 
As it is, a thorough examination of the great accumulation of literature 
reveals that nowhere has any rule been established that clairvoyance 
has exclusively to be made up of any kind of sight or images. 

Indeed, sensing the vital force luminant doesn’t necessarily re- 
quire clairvoyant pictures. Non-visual feeling of it is quite often enough, 
such as in the case of sensing sexual or emotional energies. One gets 
the picture, so to speak, without needing the pictures. 

There are many categories of vital energy phenomena that can 
be sensed, but which do not absolutely need visualizing. 

One most probable reason is that the “information content” of 
the sensing is sufficient enough in itself to convey, or result in, cogni- 
tive meaning. As will be seen ahead, and in many different aspects, the 
concept of energies having information content has wide significance. 

THE SCOPE OF THE COMPLEX 
AURA ENERGY FIELDS 

While the existence of aura energy fields has been appreciated 
since time immemorial, it must be openly acknowledged that the earli- 
est research group in the modern West to examine such energies were 
the working members of Theosophy, especially between about 1870 and 
1932. 

Some aspects of Theosophy have already been discussed. There 
exists a very large literature regarding the nature of Theosophy, and to 
be sure many definitions of it have been presented. 

But as a seldom recognized truth of the matter, it can be stated 
that the Theosophists, in addition to their philosophical endeavors, were 
researchers of vital life energies and the larger perspectives of cosmic 
energetics. 

Indeed, the leading researchers of Theosophy pursued the topic 
of energetics so thoroughly that they eventually could identify aura 
energy field as “entangled manifestations.” 

By 1914, just before the onset of World War I, the Theosophists 
in general had arrived at certain conclusions regarding the nature and 
constituents of the aura. 

It was, first of all, “a highly complicated and entangled mani- 
festation.” and altogether consisted of many influences simultaneously 


183 


operating within the same area. 

Far from being a mere luminous cloud around the physical body, 
it both interpenetrated it AND some of its elements were projected from 
the body sometimes to great distances. 

Some of the auric elements did not belong to the body at all, but 
were emanated from “astral principles.” 

ASTRAL referred to the first permanent “world" of vital force 
energies not subject to or changed by physical death. 

As had many earlier cultures, the Theosophists indicated that 
the astral was “material, but of a refined texture” having permanent 
but quite plastic substance. 

The ancient traditions of India divided existence into seven 
“worlds” or “planes,” the lowest of which was the physical. 

The astral was itemized as the second lowest of the seven 
worlds — the world of emotions, desires and passions, and which have 
existence with or without the physical body. 

The physical bio-body and the astral “body” (as it came to be 
called) coexist and interpenetrate for as long as the physical body en- 
dures. 

The emotions, desires and passions, however, belong to the as- 
tral, not to the physical body. 

And indeed, upon reflection, it is difficult to attribute emotions, 
desires and passions to the physical body. 

After all, it is made up only of inert, inorganic particles— and it 
IS difficult to see how any sum of the inorganic particles could of itself 
possess emotions, desires and passions that are otherwise defined by, 
and only by, their energetic nature. 


THE CO-EXISTENCE OF FORMATIVE ENERGY 
AND ITS FORMED MATTER 


In keeping with traditional Eastern concepts, the Theosophists 
accepted the concept that since the physical and the astral coexist and 
interpenetrate, not only clairvoyants could sense and experience the 
astral, but “also ordinary men" — inclusive of women, of course. 

The cross experiencing between physical and astral happens, 
as but one example, during dreaming sleep, anesthetics, drugs, or some- 
times as a result of accidents during which the astral “body" might tem- 


184 



porarily separate from its physical component. 

In this sense, the dream world consists of the astral component 
in process of, as it were, thinking, meditating, or visualizing. 

As everyone realizes, the dream world is entirely plastic — as 
modern surrealist artists have portrayed — while the physical world is 
solid — as physical realist artists have portrayed. 

Although the Theosophists did imply as much, it would be clear 
that the “astral principles” would have their own sensing systems re- 
garding emotions, desires, and passions. This would clearly be the case 
if the astral world was the world of emotions, desire, and passions. 

In this instance, then, sensing of emotions, desires, and pas- 
sions (including those sexual) would be a concomitant of the astral en- 
ergetic principles. 

It would also be the case that these energies would have, or 
result in, “physico-orgasmic” phenomena, especially of the ecstasy type. 

But the whole of this would also mean, for example, that a full 
part of the sympathetic systems researched by Paracelsus and others 
were energetic in nature, and thus belonged by right to the plastic as- 
tral principles. 

Extending this line of thinking a little further, the more real 
human “being” would be composed of the “astral principles” — with the 
physical body being only their material vehicle. 

In other words, energy senses energy. However, for any of this 
to work, the astral principles need to be possessed of Intelligence, or at 
least some version of it. 

Here it is worth mentioning that although results and effects, 
and successes and breakdowns, of intelligence can be authenticated, no 
one has the least idea of what it actually is. 

It might be observed, however, that whatever Intelligence is, it 
is certainly plastic, since it can be shaped and distorted in ways that 
can amuse and horrify any intelligence watching. Indeed, researchers 
of intelligence have often become confounded when considering the plas- 
tic nature of intelligence. 

The NATURE of intelligence is a far more complex topic than 
merely mapping its various kinds of behavior. 

185 


SEVEN KINDS OF AURA INFORMATION SYSTEMS 

The Theosophists attempted to categorize different aspects of 
the “complicated and entangled manifestation.” They were moderately 
successful in this, but there were still some rather tattered open ends. 

The categories, “all blended together,” were set up along the 
apparent lines of order of importance, as itemized below: 

1 the health auras 

2 the vital animating and energy auras 

3 the emotion, desire, and passion auras 

4 the thought-form auras 

5 the Karmic auras 

6 the character auras 

7 the spiritual nature auras 

Please note that all of the above-mentioned auras are given in 
the plural. All of them auras could be broken down into two subsequent 
categories of the “higher” and the “lower.” 

But much in this regard depended on certain biases, motives 
and predispositions of anyone seeking to establish what was higher and/ 
or lower. 

And here was a situation that many Theosophists sought to 
polemically embroil themselves — usually in ways that ended up not 
being very constructive. 

For example, theoretical attempts were made to establish sexual 
desire as lower-order astral, and creative passions as higher-order as- 
tral, or even as belonging to the spiritual nature auras. 

But there was one brilliant conclusion broadly shared, and likely 
to be of some endurance and future enlightenment: that IGNORANCE 
(whether natural or socially engineered) of these categorized auras con- 
tributes big-time to all sorts of human and societal difficulty and mis- 
ery. 

AURA MULTIDIMENSIONAL AND RESPLENDENT 

The term MULTIDIMENSIONAL did not really come into vogue 
until the early 1970s. 

However, the “complicated and entangled manifestation" of the 
Theosophists is entirely compatible with multidimensionnlity - and es- 


pecially if the multiplicity of dimensions can be conceptualized as inter- 
penetrating. 

And this helps explain, in some part at least, why certain clair- 
voyants perceive only some of the auras and not others. 

This can be elaborated a little by suggesting that clairvoyance 
(of any kind) is both linked to and relative to different energetic 
dimensionalities. Energies, if we might apply them to different dimen- 
sions, would in the whole of human sensing systems then have distinct 
kinds or layers of receptor-faculties that respond only to a given dimen- 
sion. 

So different kinds of clairvoyance or clairlucidity are dimen- 
sionally dependent — meaning that if one level of clairvoyance might 
activate, other levels might not. 

One additional and quite special factor needs to be pointed up. 
While it is hardly mentioned anywhere, it is indicative of why so many 
never experience a clairvoyant turn-on, so to speak. 

If one studies a larger number of artistic representations of aura 
energy fields, it can be seen that although their differences can be quite 
remarkable, they none the less have a very special factor in common — 
beauty, to the degree of being resplendent. 

Aside from the fact that the entangled manifestation is com- 
plex and complicated, the whole of it from the smallest to the biggest 
parts is of beauty so extraordinary, so resplendent, that mere words, 
illustrations, or special effects equipment are quite challenged in ap- 
proximating it. 

In this sense, then, it might be assumed that those not pre- 
pared to recognize or deal in beauty are unlikely ever to experience 
turn-on jolts of clairvoyance. 

Indeed, such turn-on jolts might actually be mentally unbear- 
able within otherwise jerkwater realities that exclude or minimize 
beauty. 


Thus, if anyone is curious about what auras (or energy fields) 
look like, it can be said they are unbelievably beautiful. If this initial 
proviso does not register, then one probably can forget about ever sight- 
ing one — sexual or otherwise. 


186 


187 


PART III 


THE COPPER MIRROR TRAINING DEVICE 

OF THE MAHATMAS 
& 

EXPERIENCING THE ENTANGLED MANIFESTATION 



Chapter 17 


PERSONAL EXPERIENCING OF AURA ENERGY FIELDS 


In modern Western times, the definition of clairvoyance has been 
exclusively associated with visualizing the energies. It is true that vi- 
sualization of the energies is one form of clairvoyance. But that it is the 
only form is not supported either by esoteric or anthropological litera- 
ture. It is also not supported by personal experiencing. 

The central problem here is one of nomenclature. In the histori- 
cal aspect of cultures, places, and languages, many different terms were 
given to special sensing phenomena that are innate in our species, but 
which could not be attributed to the physical senses. 

If the different terms are collectively dissected, it can be under- 
stood that their most basic intent was to distinguish between sensing of 
invisible and visible factors, both kinds of sensing being universal to 
our species. * 

For example, in Scotland and Ireland, the concept of SECOND 
SIGHT traditionally referred to any sensing of the invisible, with spe- 
cial emphasis on foreseeing future events. 

But the concept also incorporated all kinds of clairvoyance sens- 
ing needed to foresee, and which sensing has existed from time imme- 
morial in practically every part of the world. 

The concept of PSYCHIC PERCEPTION came into existence in 
England during the 1870s, and the concept of second sight fell into dis- 
use. But a comparison of the intent of the two concepts clearly estab- 
lishes that both refer to the same principal phenomena. 

Most African and indigenous American languages have terms 
equivalent to second sight and psychic perception. Sanskrit of ancient 
India is rich in having nomenclature refinements regarding second sight, 
but for which there are no equivalents in any of the modern Western 
languages. 

Thus, there exists a plethora of terms that seem different in an 

191 


Intellectual sense, but which are in fact referring to the same principal 
phenomena experienced world-wide. The intellectual differences can 
act as “mental noise” at the personal level with regard to fuller under- 
standing of the principal phenomena involved. 

VIBE-SENSING AS A TYPE OF CLAIRVOYANCE 

One of the problems with the term CLAIRVOYANT hinges on 
the general misunderstanding that the VOYANT part of it is taken from 
the French VOIR, which does mean “to see,” and to which was attached 
CLAIR, meaning “clear,” the combination meaning “to see clearly”. 

However, in French VOYANT is a distinct word, separate from 
VOIR. In one sense, it means “composed of gaudy colors.” But in an- 
other important sense, it refers to “signals.” 

If we use the idea of “signals,” then CLAIRVOYANCE easily 
refers to a clear sensing of signals. In all probability, the nearest literal 
equivalent in English is clear sensing of vibratory signals. 

In fact, vibe-sensing is the contemporary generic term used to 
denote any sensing of invisible factors, including invisible energies, and 
such sensing can take place with or without visualizing. 

All this means in technical terms, is that the vibe-sensing is 
incorporating information into awareness systems, but is by-passing 
the visualizing cortex in doing so. 

VIBE-SENSING OF SEXUAL VIBRATIONS 

If we allow for this correction with regard to clairvoyance, then 
vibe-sensing is not only a non-visualizing format of clairvoyance, but it 
is one very broadly experienced. 

As such it is most correctly, and very profoundly, used regard- 
ing feeling-impacts aroused by sexualizing energies, and with all the 
empathies and emotions and ecstasies that can go along with them — 
including such phenomena as sexual charisma and telepathic rapport. 

If this is considered as a viable correction to the large scope of 
misunderstandings, then the statistical base for sensing invisibles is so 
large as to probably include everyone in some fashion. 

After the broad base of sex-vibe sensing, the statistic would be- 
gin to narrow depending on what other invisibles are sensed, and in 


192 


what form. The most narrow end of the statistic would reflect clairvoy- 
ants capable of visualizing. 

This, in turn, would be relative to what they do and do not bring 
into the visualizing, for visualizing clairvoyants have existed who “see” 
one kind of invisibles, but not other kinds. 

In the light of the above, the issues of clairvoyance will always 
be in some kind of a mess, if not because of nomenclature and concep- 
tual difficulties, then because the entangled manifestation IS entangled. 
With respect to this mess, it is useful to observe that clairvoyance in 
any format begins with individual personal experiencing that brings up 
the additional important issues involve, and without which any clair- 
voyant panorama will remain invisible and unknown. 

SOME BASIC ATTRIBUTES THAT ARE UNIVERSAL TO 

THE HUMAN BEING 

To get into the important nuances of individual experiencing, it 
is ironic that they can best be approached via the topic of universal 
attributes of the human BEING. 

* 

The irony involves the trend within the modernist sciences and 
philosophies that more or less disposed of the BEING part of the hu- 
man being because it denoted something too ephemeral to be included 
in the lexicons of materialism. 

The materialist rationale was that all of the constituents of the 
human organism would be found as solely composed of matter, material 
interactions, and physico-mechanisms. 

The term HUMAN BEING is still used in lay jargon, of course. 
But in that the human being is thought of as the human body, the his- 
torical definitions of BEING have sort of been lost. At any rate, and for 
clarity, those definitions need to be reprised. 

BEING is defined as: 

1 The quality or state of having existence; 

2 Something conceivable as existing; 

3 Conscious existence; 

4 The qualities that constitute an existent thing or 

phenomenon; 

5 The essence of something. 

193 


To track this a bit further, ESSENCE is defined as: 

1 The permanent as contrasted with the accidental 

or temporary element of being; 

2 The property necessary to the nature of a thing; 

3 The most significant property; 

4 The individual, real, or ultimate nature of a thing, 

especially as opposed to its existence; 

5 A volatile (or energetic] substance or constituent. 

There is an old adage somewhat appropriate to the above defi- 
nitions: What you see may not be what you get. 

In experiential fact, even if the term BEING is detached from 
the term HUMAN, one can always see the visible matter-body, but one 
will also get the being-essence part, too. 

And it is entirely likely that the visible behavior associated with 
the matter-body is not being produced by it, but by its being-essence 
constituents. 

SEXUAUZING ESSENCES OF THE HUMAN BEING 

There is one area of human activity to which the above defini- 
tions seem entirely relevant and which can easily be confirmed — hu- 
man sexuality. 

In the materialistic concept of things, human sexual activity is 
associated with the genitalia. The genitals are neatly dignified as the 
reproductive organs, since in the material sense the function of those 
anatomical organs is to reproduce more material bodies. 

But if the whole of human sexual activity is considered, the or- 
gans are utilized for reproduction only about 10 percent of the time. 

The remaining 90 percent of human sexual activity is devoted 
to such projects as recreational sex, the release of nervous energy via 
orgasm not associated with reproduction, and the transmutation of 
sexual essence energies into creativity. 

Additionally, human sexual activity is often utilized on behalf 
of increasing the essence of power, making the essence of money, and 
for participating in the enjoyment of the essence of erotic saturation. 

Indeed, if the energetic ESSENCES were missing, then none of 
them would be pursued. 


194 



All of these sexualizing essence phenomena are easily recog- 
nized, although one might refer to them as ESSENCE-SIGNALS. And 
it is clearly recognized as well that materia] parameters do not even 
approach an explanation of them. 

But the list should include one phenomenon not usually identi- 
fied for what it is: the therapeutic benefits of exchanging and revivify- 
ing lagging energies via physical, empathic, and psychic-force intimacy. 

All of the above can roughly be grouped into the concept of vi- 
talizing ecstasy, and which is entirely useful to the human BEING, hav- 
ing, as it does, many beneficial aspects. 

To get somewhat of a grip on this, merely consider the concept 
of vitalizing ecstasy starvation. 

The sciences and philosophies downloading from modernist ma- 
terialism cannot explain the human being’s need for vitalizing ecstasy, 
whether of the sexualizing or any other kind. 

DISTINCTIONS BETWEEN^ERCEIVING PHYSICALITY 
AND THE SENSING OF BEING-ESSENCES 

On a species-wide basis, very young children experience a lot of 
things having to do with sensing being-essences. Indeed, many research- 
ers, focusing on how infants deal with information and begin the all- 
important processes of recognition, are of the opinion that the infants 
literally “feel-see” the energies characteristic of various kinds of being- 
essences. 

As but one example, it is sometimes noticed that the infant looks 
at things that no one else can see. 

That infants are responsive to vital energies has never been in 
doubt by anyone observing them intimately, and this kind of respon- 
siveness legitimately falls into some kind of clairvoyant category. 

It also indicates the presence of a being-sensing superstructure 
in all human beings. 

In the longer term, however, it is more important that children 
grow up and turn out to be well-fitted to the particular social and cul- 
tural realities in which they find themselves. 

Thus, whatever the very young do experience, and how they 

196 


experience it, the whole of it is quickly to be left behind, with the com- 
mon result that childhood experiencing is usually of little permanent 
interest. 

It is commonly understood that certain conditioning processes 
are required in order for the child to become well-fitted. 

These obviously differ in various cultures and social settings. 
But most of them share a commonality in that certain kinds of natural 
raw-awareness, as it were, need to be detached and subdued from the 
developmental pathways leading to proper adulthood. 

So, if all human infants universally possess sensing of being- 
essences, this commonality is left behind as their perceptions are com- 
partmentalized by conditioning into different cultural and societal as- 
pects. 

Thus, there has long existed a vacuum of information regard- 
ing what infants and children actually experience 

A significant trek into this vacuum was made by Jean Piaget 
(1896-1980), a Swiss psychologist, who in 1929 became professor of child 
psychology and scientific thought at the University of Geneva. 

Piaget became especially noted for his theories (since proven 
out) that the child’s experiential, cognitive, and intellectual develop- 
ment proceeds in genetically determined stages and always in the same 
sequential order. 

Piaget’s seminal contributions were expanded upon by later re- 
search efforts. The sum of these eventually revealed that all children 
possess factors that are “universal” to our species. 

One of these factors, a universal language superstructure, is 
born pre-existent within the child. This linguistic superstructure can 
specialize in sensing and copying the formats of given language(s) of 
the local social environment into which it is born. 

Another way of putting this is that babies come equipped with 
the hardware of a language computer. This hardware is ready to accept 
ANY language software program. Some researchers suspect that in- 
fants learn languages not only by sound, but with the assistance of some 
kind of telepathic means. 


196 



INNER-CORE AWARENESS SYSTEMS 

Other research efforts have revealed the existence of universal 
inner core awareness systems in every child. These systems can spe- 
cialize in copying the given awareness parameters demanded by vari- 
ous societal and natural environments. The real existence of being-es- 
sence sensing systems would be necessary for this. 

As a result, we could picture the human as possessed of univer- 
sally-shared, inner core faculties, which eventually becomes cocooned 
with an outer shell that is formatted because of various kinds of soci- 
etal conditioning. 

All living systems having mobility must at least sense magnetic 
types of energies if they are to respond or withdraw from them. 

It is quite well understood by now that infants and young chil- 
dren do at least sense them via little understood “neuro-sympathies,” 
and often actually perceive them by what amount to clairvoyant means. 

With the contemporary emergence of the term “neuro-sympa- 
thies,” we become somewhat re-lii%ked to the “sympathetic systems” of 
Paracelsus. 


CHILDHOOD CLAIRVOYANCE 

That many, or most, young children have some kind of clairvoy- 
ant experiencing can no longer be doubted, and most books describing 
the “natural child” report as much. 

In my own case as a child, I still vividly remember watching 
with great fascination the fluttering forms of color sparkling from people, 
animals and objects — from my mother, father, grandmothers, and oth- 
ers, as well as from caterpillars, leaves, rocks, and so forth. 

Female breasts, even if yet undeveloped, mostly had white lights. 
Sometimes a red or green beam shot up out of my dad’s head. Blooming 
flowers had spectacular fireworks-like illuminations, the most dramatic 
being blooming lilacs. Both my grandmothers kept gardens. I could pick 
out the dead seeds before planting since they had no lights. 

Some lights fluttered about like butterflies. There were some 
“whirligig” things, especially on bellies. Sometimes 1 saw streams of 

197 


lights going off of fingertips — and beams going out of eyes, although 
this latter seemed rare. The local minister had such beams, especially 
if he got really worked up. 

My family circle was tolerant when 1 described these things, 
but got nervous when I asked questions no one could answer. 

So I didn’t get into any real trouble until I asked what the “red 
light things” were that sometimes stuck out through mens’ pants, espe- 
cially the beer drinkers down at my dad’s pool hall and at the Elk’s 
Club. 

So my mother took me to the family doctor to find out if I was 
having eye trouble. I overhead him say that “it" (whatever “it” was) 
would go away soon. 

And “it” did go away — but not completely — especially after it 
dawned on me that the seeing was not considered “normal.” 

Thus, slowly, pervasively, restrained by parents, peers, teach- 
ers, and finally by the unyielding social fabric itself, the child is settled 
into the system were it is supposed to “see” only certain things and not 
others. 

The clairvoyant seeing, however, can reduce back to clairvoy- 
ant sensing which is not accompanied by pictures. 

And what is sensed can sometimes be articulated in other forms, 
such as in descriptive literature and via the visual arts. 

In my own paintings between 1962 and 1966, expressions of 
undulating lights and energies kept creeping into my attempts at still 
life subjects. 

I finally gave over to them, and then did a body of work com- 
posed of elongated nudes, gigantic males and females, all with blue skin 
and burning red eyes — all possessing fantastic energy shells and glit- 
tering, undulating rainbow auras, and shooting out radiant streamers 
and bubbles. 

This work did not then fit into the New York art scene, and still 
does not. 

I didn’t see these things, but I could still sense them — off and 
on, anyway. 

It was impossible NOT to have interest in these matters, and if 


198 



anything at all, it was this experiencing that led the way into parapsy- 
chology research. 

THE “KIRLIAN” AURA 

In 1958, two Soviet scientists — Semyon and Valentina Kirlian — 
invented a photographic technique which, as they described it, converted 
non-electric properties of an object into electrical properties that could 
be recorded on photographic film (i.e., electrophotography.) 

Their method was a development of a technique known as early 
as the 1890s. 

For example, in his book THE HUMAN SOUL: ITS MOTIONS 
AND ITS LIGHTS (1896), Hyppolite Baraduc, included a photo of a 
hand glowing the electrostatic discharges. (Baraduc was the dramatic 
photographer of odic and psychic energies reviewed in chapter 8.) 

In 1898, a Russian electrical engineer named Yakov Narkevich- 
Tbdko demonstrated electrographic photos by using high voltage spark 
discharges. 

The Kirlians combined this earlier work with that of their con- 
temporary, Viktor Adamenko, a Soviet physicist, who demonstrated a 
piece of equipment called the tobiscope, a device used to detect the acu- 
puncture points of the human body. 

During the late 1960s, Kirlian photography had a few years of 
popularity in the United States. 

When in 1967 I first saw such photos in color, I was glad to 
recognize that at least some of the effects coincided with some of my 
paintings between 1962 and 1966. 

Especially consistent were the rays that sometimes were photo- 
graphed as radiating from finger tips. The emanations were also con- 
sistent with what I had learned about Reichenbach. 

The Kirlian photographic evidence was not accepted by the 
mainstream sciences, and still isn’t. The Kirlian effects were dismissed 
as mere electrostatic discharges, since a mild current of electricity was 
passed through the hand as it pressed against the photographic plate. 

Electrostatic discharges? Well, yes! 

199 


Indeed, bio-energetics assumes that the bio-body not only pos- 
sesses a strong electromagnetic substructure, but also that it is being 
subjected to energetic inflows all the time. 

This can only mean that it IS necessary for electrostatic and 
magnetic discharges to take place, and these would constitute some full 
part of the body’s aura energy fields. 

It is difficult to see how the electrical components of the body 
would NOT discharge — especially if they became momentarily over- 
loaded by even a small charge. 

Mainstream sciences don’t have much to say about the tobiscope 
that locates acupuncture points. 

As it turned out, however, neither Kirlian photography nor psy- 
chic photography capture the actual dynamic — even astounding — com- 
plexity and activity of the energy fields. And what might be called low- 
threshold clairvoyance doesn’t either. 

This is to say that nothing prepared me for what I was to expe- 
rience in this regard as a result of the copper mirror of the Mahatmas — 
the tale of which begins to unfold in the next chapter. 




200 


-k V(ni*a4 he UwM 

Chapter 18 fccc%, 


THE COPPER MIRROR TRAINING DEVICE 

OF THE MAHATMAS 




The entire history of ALL methods and equipment that might 
extend or enhance human perceptions is very interesting. 

However, that history is divided into sectors, only some of which 
have achieved societal support. Some of the sectors are not even recog- 
nized as belonging in the same category as others. 

So the entire history has never been pulled together into a given 
conceptual framework that can house it. 

One of the factors that links the entire history is the fact that 
extensions and enhancements of perceptions are highly desirable be- 
cause many benefits can be downloaded from them. One such benefit is 
that the sum of human knowledge can be increased, often in single gi- 
gantic steps. * 

However, such increases in knowledge often have serious impli- 
cations concerning the status quo stability of given societal frameworks. 
It is therefore not unusual that such increases are resisted, together 
with whatever methods and equipment might be involved. 

Thus, one of the factors that defeats the linking of the entire 
history of perceptual enhancing methods and equipment has to do not 
precisely with their discovery, but rather what they portend with re- 
gard to preserving a given societal status quo. 

BASIC POWERS OF PERCEPTION 

For clarity, it can be said that basic powers of perception are 
conceptually formulated within only the given parameters of the physi- 
cal senses, and then within mental activities based on them. In this 
sense, any given enhancement of the basic powers involves factors that 
increase perception beyond the limitations of the physical senses. 

The rough distinction here is between what is visible-tangible 
via the basic physical senses, and what is invisible-intangible to them. 
Indeed, what the five well-known physical senses can t “see” is “in vis- 


201 


ible” to them. 

An examination of the structural elements of most societal for- 
mats easily reveals that a very large percentage of their “holding power” 
is closely linked to the management of the visible-tangible. 

Although a lot can otherwise be discussed with regard to such 
societal structures, internal preservation of their holding power is quite 
dear to their managers, and probably to a large percentage of their fol- 
lowers as well. 

Thus, feared difficulties might arise if and when perceptions of 
the invisible-intangible are introduced into their workings based prin- 
cipally on the physical senses &So the chief prophylactic mechanism ia . 
to forestall any emergence of e xtended perceptions.! 

If the prophylaxis doesn’t work, then more stringent measures 
can be designed and employed (as, for example, was the case regarding 
all of the rejected vital force research and developments discussed in 
Part I.) 


DIFFICULTIES OF GETTING BEYOND THE VISIBLE 

Recorded human history clearly reveals that most discoveries 
of methods and equipment to enhance perception much beyond the vis- 
ible had a hard time of it at first, not because what they consisted of, 
but because of what they portended in societal terms. 

For example, the general concept of the CAMERA OBSCURA 
(dark chamber) was known in ancient Greece and had been mentioned 
by Aristotle. However, its development during the Renaissance at first 
resulted in a significant societal brouhaha. 

The camera obscura was a device that consisted principally of a 
dark box large enough for a person to stand in. A very small hole was 
picked into one side of the box, after which an inverted image of the 
scene outside the hole appeared on the opposite interior side of the dark 
box. 

At first, the black box had high entertainment value ranging 
alongside the miraculous. But the idea that external visible reality could, 
in some invisible way, be reduced to a pin hole and appear upside-down 
had enormous philosophical and religious implications. Many of the black 
boxes were seized and committed to the flames, and proper citizens 



disavowed them. 


The reputation of the camera obscura was rescued, in about 
1519, by Leonardo da Vinci, who established its principle use as artistic 
device. He perhaps succeeded in doing so only because of his exceed- 
ingly high standing. 

About three-hundred years later, in 1826, the Frenchman, Jo- 
seph Nicephore Niepce elaborated an invention based on the camera 
obscura. He achieved the recording of a negative image on a light-sensi- 
tive material. 

When he coated a piece of paper with asphalt and exposed it 
inside the camera obscura for eight hours, a permanent image resulted 
on the paper, and the modern camera came into existence. 

The scene outside of the black box had, of course, been illumi- 
nated. But when he placed a piece of paper inside the dark box at night 
when nothing outside of it was illuminated, various patterns of light 
appeared on it anyway. 

When it was understood that only energies could expose the 
coated paper, what was later to*e called psychic-energy photography 
had inadvertently come into existence— and which has remained a so- 
cietal super-problem ever since. 

The invention of the microscope in about 1590, and the tele- 
scope in about 1610, were at first resisted with societal vigor, some- 
times to the noise of mob anger against them. 

The idea that a micro universe existed, composed of tiny stuff 
the natural physical senses alone could not detect, was considered he- 
retical not only by religious demagogues, but by philosophers and sci- 
entists alike. 

The idea that a telescope could see through to the macro heav- 
ens confounded the concept of seven spheres thought to hover over the 
flat earth— especially when another round planet with rings (Saturn) 
could be espied. 

This was enough to inspire various inquisitorial activities, and 
Galileo, an exponent of the new heavenly device, had his work cut out 
for him. He survived, but others were carted off to the flames. 

There are many other examples of the above, some coming down 
to the present. But the point is that societal concerns predominate 1 any 




C\l I 


T 




inventions or factors regarding any extensions of perceptions by artifi- 
cial means. 

However, one such sector has to do with the enhancement ex- 
tensions of perceptions of invisible energies discussed in this book. The 
actuality of various kinds of clairvoyance are perpetually embroiled 
within this sector. 

It incorporates sensing activities that make their appearance 
during trance states. 

The history of this particular sector has been competently writ- 
ten up in a book by the late historian of psychical matters, Brian Inglis, 
under the title of TRANCE: A NATURAL HISTORY OF ALTERED 
STATES OF MIND (1989). 

1 The direct implication copiously elucidated by Inglis is that dif- 

ferent states of consciousness each possess their special kinds of per- 
ceptual systems — something clearly established thousands of years ago' 
by shamans world-wide. /L ,L ,A C • 7 




CLAIRVOYANCE AS PERCEPTION-EXTENDING 
FUNCTIONS OF THE HUMAN ENERGETIC SYSTEMS 


In the historical sense, it is safe to say that any and all methods 
to extend the scope of human perceptions into the invisible have met 
with societal difficulties, and sometimes to the extreme. 

For example, the field of so-called psychic photography is chal- 
lenged with an enthusiasm that, by now, is entirely questionable. If 
some energy patterns appear on energy sensitive film, normal, infrared 
or ultraviolet, in conventional terms the appearance is blamed on fak- 
ery, fraud, or equipment failures, and there is a long history regarding 
this. 

MEANWHILE, physicists have become adroit at capturing im- 
ages and patterns of energetic particles passing through the walls of 
cloud chambers. Thereby, the real existence of those otherwise invisible 
energy bits has been made visible to the naked eye, with “photos” of 
them being published in leading science journals. 

However, energetic implications of this knowledge package, sci- 
entifically acquired, have not been carried over to the phenomena of 
psychic photography — a topic that remains camera obscura, without 
any apertures, in the black box of the continuing rejection. 


204 


a 




Likewise, scientifically acquired photos of certain energy strut' 
tures in association with the human body have not been correlated with 
clairvoyant perceptions of the same. 

CLAIRVOYANCE- ENHANCING TRAINING DEVICES 

Throughout Part I, we have seen that the best evidence for in- 
visible energies has occurred in relation to some kind of device or spe- 
cial environment set up. 

Such was the case with Mesmer’s mysterious vats, the constitu- 
ents of which have seemingly been erased from history. 

The function of Reichenbach’s dark rooms is not exactly clear, 
but that they probably functioned along the lines of black boxes, and 
were apparently supercharged with odic force by his mediums certainly 
needs to be considered. 

Certainly, the concept of an isolated box-room-environment be- 

coming supercharged by orgone energy played a definite role in Wilhelm 
Reich’s efforts. 

In the case of the earlj*psychic force experiments of Cox and Sir 
William Crookes, the medium, Daniel Dunglas Home, apparently car- 
ried within his person an energetic supercharge he could activate— 
after which the amazing effects and phenomena promptly took place. 

One of the concomitants of all these supercharges, even if some- 
what different, was that they affected those attending upon the situa- 
tions, themselves becoming supercharged, this resulting, among other 
phenomena, in sexualizing arousals. 

And indeed, even in so-called normal life, those who like to ex- 
perience sexual arousal, design or gravitate to environments that en 
courage supercharge arousal along such lines. 

The point here is that if sexualizing energy supercharging iH 
possible, then other kinds of such supercharging are also possible. 

And if this is the fact of the matter, then human energetics must 

be involved— with special emphasis on the clairvoyant sensing of them. 
This sensing results at least in autonomic arousal, even if cognitive 
understanding of it doesn’t actually take place. 

This is to say that the physical sensing systems are not, of them- 
selves, responding to the energetics. Hut that the energy sensings ays- 


20ft 




terns are. This easily leads to the concept of an energetic “entity,” and 
which, by ITS phenomena, is somewhat distinct from the mere physical 

body. ‘ ' 

With these observations now in hand, it is possible to suggest 
that any training device designed to elicit enhanced perceptual sys- 
tems beyond the merely physical ones must, in some sense at least, 
first serve to energize the energy-sensing factors of the human organ- 
ism. 

A description of one such “training device” has been in exist- 
ence since 1927. The source of the description— THE MAHATMA LET- 
TERS— hpwever, is so strange that it of is little wonder it escaped no- 

yfo as 

The legendary Mahatmas are said to be Great Teachers living 
in the Trans-Himalayan vastness of Tibet or Mongolia. 

The term MAHATMAN is Sanskrit, a compound word meaning 
Great Self. As described, the Mahatmans are perfected men. 

They are men, not spirit entities, who have evolved through 
self-devised efforts in individual evolution, always advancing forward 
and upward until they attain “a lofty spiritual and intellectual human 
supremacy.” 

They are not created by any extra-cosmic Deity. Rather, as it 
might be said, they have achieved intellectual and spiritual supremacy 
by lifting up themselves by their own boot-strap efforts. 

As a result of this self-lifting, they are farther advanced along 

the “path of evolution” than the majority. 

However, they possess knowledge of Nature’s secret processes 

and of hidden mysteries. 

The Great Selves are Teachers, because they are occupied in 
the noble duty of instructing mankind, of inspiring elevating thoughts. 

They are also Guardians of wisdom, forgotten or yet unknown. 
They can be called by other identifiers — Sages, Masters, Elder Broth- 
ers, Seers, Immortals, etc. 

They are not dead persons, operating from ephemeral realm. 


206 



v \j\J vvy ' ■ / \ V 

They are alive— with very extended life spans. They possess higher lev 
els of thinking — along with extensive powers of clairvoyance and te 
lepathy, and with abilities to influence minds of mere men, and to bilocate 
and appear to them. 

So, of course, most people, during modern times at least, be- 
lieve that the Mahatmas don’t exist — if they have even heard of them 
in the first place. 

However, the Mahatmas communicated with several of the early 
Theosophists. As might be expected, the nature of the communicating 
was often exceedingly strange. 

The Mahatmas would cause letters to be precipitated out of the 
air and fall down to a table or to the floor, or cause them to be discov- 
ered in unexpected places. 

So, of course, the authenticity of the Mahatma Letters was of 
some concern (and not a little scandal) to the Theosophists. At some 
point, the Mahatmas began depositing Letters in a shrine at the Theo- 
sophical compound in Adyar, India. 

When the shrine was later discovered to have a fake rear wall, 
Theosophy entire was convulsed with Great Doubts concerning the Great 
Selves and the possible existence of Lesser Selves who might have coun- 
terfeited something or other. 

All in all, the Mahatma Letters make for interesting reading. 

But only one of them constitutes the substance of this chapter. 

A. P. Sinnett (1840-1921) was one of the three principal, influ- 
ential founders of the Theosophical Society which came into existence 
in New York in 1875. 

Sinnett had been a long-term CHELA (student) of the Mahat- 
mas, and at some point developed a method of posing questions in his 
own mind — while answers thereafter would be manifested by the Ma- 
hatmas. 

THE COPPER MIRROR TRAINING DEVICE 
OF THE MAHATMAS 

When the Theosophists set up headquarters in Adyar, India, 

I Sinnett followed— and during the course of 1882 he was apparently X 
j wondering how to develop increases of self-awareness and clairvoyance. \ 
V, The Mahatmas apparently had telepathically perceived Sinnett’s J 

207 


K\K)\) ' v ^ ' v— v 




interest, and so he was in process of receiving letters about this from 

the Mahatmas. H 

He received a letter which, as most Mahatma Letters were, was I 

immediately circulated among Theosophists, and finally published in 4 

THE MAHATMA LETTERS TO A. P. SINNETT (1923), the originals of I 

which ended up in the British Museum. 1 

In answer to Sinnett’s wonderment about how to develop in- ■ 

creases of clairvoyance, the Mahatmas responded with the following 4 

short description of an enhancing device: 1 

' The methods used for developing lucidity in our chelas may 1 

be easily used by you. Every temple has a dark room, the north wall of m 

which is entirely covered with a sheet of mixed metals, chiefly copper, I 

very highly polished, with the surface capable of reflecting in it things, I 

as well as fbeing) a mirror. I 

'7 he chela sits on an insulated stool, a three-legged bench I 

placed in a flat bottomed vessel of thick glass — / 'with / the Lama I 

operator likewise, the two forming with the mirror wall a triangle. I 

“A magnet with the north pole up is suspended over the crown I 

of the chela 's head without touching it. The operator having started 1 

the thing going leaves the chela alone gazing on the wall, and after the I 

third time [the guiding Lama/ is no longer required. " I 

Presumably, “the thing going” referred to increases of at least ■ 

clairvoyance, as well as other more refined perceptions, and which at ■ 

first required a guide to help it get going. 

But as soon as the chela got the idea, the guide was no longer I 

needed. J 

DRS. ELMER AND ALYCE GREEN BUILD THE 1 

COPPER MIRROR TRAINING DEVICE AT 1 

THE MENNINGER FOUNDATION 1 

I remember reading THE MAHATMA LETTERS during the ■ 

early 1960s when I was studying the Theosophical literature. I thought ■ 

it might be interesting to set up the device and see what might hap- H 

pen — but never did. ■ 

In 1970, 1 began volunteering for parapsychological experiments, ■ 

the successes of which led to working in that field for the next nineteen 1 

years. 


208 




J 


The work with which I was involved was entirely composed of 
exploring perceptions, and had very little to do with physical develop 
mental “assists” such as the Mahatma’s copper wall. 

Even so, I could find no information that any Theosophists had 
ever tested the copper mirror, although it is conceivable that Leadbeater 
and Besant might have done so. 

As we have seen in chapter 14, the reasons or causes of their 
astonishing clairvoyant powers have never been discussed in any depth. 

In any event, the Mahatma training device passed from view 
until I heard about it from, of all people, Dr. Elmer Green at the 
Menninger Foundation at Tbpeka, Kansas. 

Elmer Green, together with his wife and co-worker, Alyce, had 
become famous during the 1970s in the realm of researching brainwave 
biofeedback and “the image-making faculty." 

They had established the Voluntary Controls Program at the 
Menninger Foundation. The work of the Program focused on the alpha- 
theta brainwave biofeedback processes, and was at first funded prima- 
rily by the National Institutes of Mental Health. 

At some point the Greens came across the Mahatma Letters 
and noticed the passage quoted above. Eventually they set up some 
informal experiments, the results of which inspired them to enlarge 
their approach by setting up a more formal series— during which some 
remarkable phenomena occurred. 

LUCIDITY 

In an earlier research proposal entitled PHYSICAL FIELDS 
AND STATES OF CONSCIOUSNESS (1 June 1983), the Greens indi- 
cated: 

'It is clear from a pnma facie analysis of those suggestions /in 
the Mahatma Letter] that both magnetic and electrostatic fields are in- 
volved in this elicitation of the state of consciousness called LUCIDITY. 
Lucidity, whatever its definition, may not develop to a significant extent 
in three copper wall sessions, but the fact that the teacher, \ after the third 
time is no longer required, implies sufficient progress by the student so 
that he can continue on his own. 

200 


“It is the elicitation and subsequent definition of lucidity with 
which we are basically concerned . . . whether it refers to becoming clearly 
conscious of normally-unconscious psychological processes only in the 
personal-consciousness domain described by Freud, or also has signifi- 
cance in the domain of transpersonal consciousness described by Jung. " 

Elmer Green telephoned me occasionally to describe the work, 
and to invite me to participate in it. Knowing what I did about the 
Mahatma Letter and its description of a training device to enhance 
whatever it did, I was very eager to participate and instantly accepted 
the Greens’ invitation. 

However, due to funding problems and research criteria, the 
written invitation didn’t arrive until 1987, five years after his first pro- 
posal. 

During those five years the emphasis of the experiment had 
shifted from lucidity per se, to different proposal, conceptualized as CON- 
SCIOUSNESS, BODY ELECTRICITY AND PSYCHOPHYSICAL 
LEARNING. The source of the funding had also shifted. 

Despite the proposal’s title, the emphasis was actually on “heal- 
ing,” a topic which interested the Fetzer Foundation which had agreed 
to fund the project with healing in mind. 

As the proposal stated, 4< healers often have unusual electrical 
phenomena associated with their ‘healing’ activities. If this is factual, 
‘healers’ of national repute may affect during ‘healing’ sessions, the 
ultrasensitive electrometers of the copper wall lab.” 

For clarity, the emphasis of the experiments had shifted from 
LUCIDITY to researching whether the “unusual electrical phenomena” 
associated with healers would interact with the “electrostatic behavior” 
of the copper walls. 

The interest was now focusing on the “Anomalous electrostatic 
phenomena in exceptional subjects" principally with regard to noted 
healers. 

I felt obliged to explain to the Greens that I was not an “healer 
of national repute” and probably should not be a part of this particular 
type of experiment. 

My expertise had focused in various modes of extrasensory per- 
ception, but which seemed to fall into the category of lucidity. Elmer 
countered by saying that even so, I had “national repute” as a psychic 


210 


and clairvoyant, and that he hoped I would participate. So I accepted 
and became one of the nineteen subjects in the experiments. 

Although the initial invitation took place in 1987, setting up 
the complicated experiment went on for months. I finally went to Tb- 

peka during the middle of June 1989 for a week’s work in the Voluntary 
Controls Program. 

I found that the Mahatma’s copper wall had in fact become a 
copper ROOM whose four walls and floor were of large copper panels. 

The whole experimental situation was exceedingly elegant and 
splendid. The copper sheets were hooked into several arrays of com- 
puter analyzers which recorded their electrostatic behavior. 

The chair was not a tripod, but a comfortable padded one, with 
facilities to hook up the subjects to computerized brainwave and other 
physiological detectors. 

The whole of the copper room was raised up on glass blocks 
whose function was to detach and insulate the room from Earth’s mag- 
netic fie ld. 

The all-important 14-Gauss magnet was suspended in the air 
just over the subjects’ heads. * 

The environment was very impressive and thrilling. 


I 




Elmer and his several colleagues were nothing if not premedi- 
tated, thorough and careful, and altogether an inspiring group. 

Complete records were kept in the forms of questionnaires, de- 
tailed interviews after “sittings" and frequent general discussions. 

I was even permitted to design a limited number of experiments 
having to do with perceptual ESP — all of which went exceedingly well 
but which, with one exception, are not germane to this book. 

I then “sat" in the copper room twice a day for seven days, for 
periods of about an hour each. As requested, I tried to “influence the 
electrostatic behavior” of the four copper walls, ultimately with mini- 
mal success. 

But at about day three, something else began happening. I was 
about to discover what supercharging was all about. This was both fabu- 
lous and wonderful— and ultimately wrecked my life for about the next 
year. 


21 I 



Chapter 19 


UNANTICIPATED LUCIDITY BEGINS 


Some discomforts soon became apparent when I began sitting 
in the copper room for two sessions a day of forty minutes at a time. 

First of all, it was necessary to sit perfectly still, or as still as 
possible, because of the leads affixed to the scalp which were conduct- 
ing brainwaves to the computers. 

Body movement, especially of the neck, shoulders and arms in- 
troduced “noise" into the brainwave-measuring mechanisms and blot- 
ted out the shifting brainwave patterns which were thought important. 

Second, I had to keep awake, to keep my eyes open, so as not to 

reduce the spectrum of the brainwaves to those characteristic of sleep. 

One might meditate, or go into reverie; but with the eyes open so as to 

prevent descent into sleep. Eye blinking would also distort brainwave 
patterns. * 


Part of the technique, if it can be called that, was to focus one’s 
eyes on the vague reflection of oneself in the copper sheet one sat fac- 
ing. I his was interesting for about ten minutes, but soon the eyes wa- 
tered, and the reflection began wobbling. 


However, in the past, dozens of researchers had hooked me into 

brainwave equipment, and so I was familiar with the requirements. 

Yet, on the surface of things there was nothing to do except sit 

motionless, stare at the mirror image, and do so without drowsing or 
falling asleep. 


MENTAL IMAGES TURN INTO 
BALLS OF BLUE LIGHT 

. During the morning session of the third day, which would be 
the fifth sitting, I found myself reviewing all sorts of things in my mind. 

There was no deliberate effort on my part to do so. Indeed, I 
didn t particularly want to think, but only to notice something unusual 
as a result of the copper mirrors. 

It seemed like strips of movie footage were being run, some- 


213 


r \ u 


V^v 




times at high speed, somewhat as if time was being contracted or com- i 

pacted. Alter a few moments of this, several movie strips began run- ■ 

ning at the same time. ■ 

I was not wondering about clairvoyance or lucidity, since that H 

kind of stuff was not the central focus of the experiments. The program I 

was to see if the copper walls showed any electrostatic changes with a 

regard to the sitter. [H 

At some point I began thinking that the images were actually H 

something of a nuisance. So I began wondering about the why of so 
many fast-moving images, but this seemed to cause them to run faster. H 

Shortly, they suddenly turned into tiny little balls a metalic dark ■ 

blue in color. After these buzzed about like bees around a nest, they 
suddenly disappeared altogether. 

At the time I didn’t attribute any particular meaning to this. 

But weeks later 1 sort of came to the conclusion that the movie strips 
contained the greater part of what I had experienced in my life. 

I felt there was something vaguely “Tibetan” about this, reflec- 
tive of some kind of meditation method to review one’s entire life so as 
to step outside of those thought-pattern-images. 

THE FIRST AURA PHENOMENON ■ 

As the blue balls disappeared, I began noticing that something 
about the copper sheets, which 1 sat facing, had changed. 

A transparent, but almost tangibly “thick” dark orange “mist” 
had appeared. The mist seemed to be composed of “particles.” The cop- 
per sheets were polished enough so that one could see one’s reflection in 
them. The orange mist had blotted out my reflection. 

Somewhat in surprise, I did the no-no of turning to look at the 
copper walls on either side and behind me. I found that the entire cham- 
ber was infused with the orange mist, and that there were small “waves” 
going on through it. I also noticed that it was slowly becoming more 
luminous and more orange. 

I naturally concluded the orange field was composed of ener- ■ 

gies. But since orange has never been one of my favorite colors, I won- 
dered why the energies were orange. 

While in process of this wondering, my attention suddenly went 


to my crotch were, of all things, an erection was in process of manifest* 

Mildly surprised, I then resumed my motionless position. But 
soon my hands and feet began itching. After about ten more minutes I 
looked down at my right hand because it had really started tingling and 
there was no way to scratch it. 

To my utter shock, I could see the bones in my hand very clearly, 
and in more than just a black and white X-ray way. At this, my eyes 
began blinking a whole lot, and a series of goosebumps invaded my 
entire body. But the long session was now at an end, and I could scratch 
my hand. 

Immediately after the session I was interviewed about what I 
had experienced. 

1 did not yet refer to clairvoyance, because I thought all of this 
had something to do with the electrostatic behavior of the copper walls. 

During the afternoon session, if I remember correctly, nothing 
particular happened, except I thought I could sense that the magnet 
suspended over my head had its “north” direction up. 

Now. it needs to be explained that the experimental protocols 
had certain requirements regarding the magnet, which was specially 
designed and contained in a white cardboard box. 

As a control for the experiment, empty cardboard boxes were 
occasionally substituted for the magnet without telling the subject. 

At other times, the magnets were to be placed with the north up 
or the south up. 

Shortly, I could “see” that the north end had a blue glow, the 
south a pink one, and of course the empty boxes had neither. Knowing 
about Reichenbach’s experiments, I considered the idea that I was merely 
mentalizing the glows based on what I had read about his experiments. 

So I suggested that at the beginning of each session, I should 
try» by sensing, to identify whether the magnet was north-up, south-up, 
or whether the box was empty. 

The suggestion was accepted by the experimenters, and all of 
my subsequent calls were correct. At some point, the sessions were then 
interrupted while an assistant changed the magnet routine several times 
so as to gather more data about this. 

I eventually mentioned that I liked the north pole of the mag* 


214 


21ft 



V vy II 1(V^ 


net better than the south pole. Although I did not know it then, the 
experimenters had already accumulated evidence that males “per- 
formed” better with the north-up, while females did so with the south- 
up. 


LUCIDITY BEGINS 


That night, while watching TV in my motel room, I noticed that 
the orange luminosity was glowing in my head, or in my consciousness, 
and that my body was surrounded by it. 

The “effects” were now continuing outside of the copper wall 
chamber. It was at this point that I remember the orange light I had 
seen as an infant, and forgotten past memories were withdrawn from 
storage. 

These did their accelerated movie thing, and after a while turned 
into tiny blue balls and disappeared. 

BIOLOGICAL CLAIRVOYANCE EMERGES 


At the next session, it took about twenty minutes for the orange 
light to emanate from the copper sheets, which I still thought was its 
source. I could again see the bones in my hands, but now could also see 
the larger blood vessels and arteries. 

The vessels were dark blue, somewhat glowing, but the arteries 
were brilliant pinkish-red. I felt I recognized these because of my col- 
lege training in biology. 

But there was also a glowing, blue-green network which infused 
both of the hands and ran up the arms, whose bones I could now also 
see. The network was exquisite and very complex, but I didn’t know 
what it was. 


At some point, the orange light began shifting to dark yellow as 
it enveloped the entire chamber. Then it randomly began fluctuating 
with a number of other colors — like being in the middle of a slowly un- 
dulating rainbow. 

CLAIRVOYANCE OF ZOOMING LIGHT TUBES BEGINS 


Crotch action had again manifested, but I was now absolutely 
transfixed and had no trouble sitting motionless. 

But shortly I was quite startled when, just to my immediate 
near left, a tubular, slightly undulating beam of purple-lavender light 


216 


suddenly zoomed up out of the floor and disappeared into the ceiling. 

Surprised, I jumped up out of the chair in reflex, hitting my 
head on the magnet, and causing most of the brainwave electrodes to be 
dislodged. 

So, the experiment was interrupted while these were pasted 
back on to my scalp. 

But while the assistant was replacing them, I could see he was 
surrounded by a darkish but yet luminous nimbus. And there in the 
vicinity of his crotch was the tell-tale red radiance sticking out a little 
through his pants. 

I was quite silent while the leads were being reaffixed. The rea- 
son, however, had nothing to do with perceiving the energies, but how I 
now sensed they were being perceived. 

I had studied psychic phenomena for many years, and like most 
people I had adapted to the idea that clairvoyance involved only some 
kind of mental perceiving. I still think that particular kind of clairvoy- 
ance exist 8. 

But the tube had zoomed up and through to my left, and I was 
convinced that sighting of it had taken place in the parameters of the 
eye outside of focused vision. This is to say, outside of the fovea, the 
rodless area of the eye affording acute vision. 

To be specific, the rods and cones of the eye surrounding the 
fovea had detected the tube, much as anyone would detect a motion 
taking place just outside their focused vision. If, for example, you stare 
straight ahead at a wall, and move your hand just in back of your shoul- 
der, you will have some kind of vision of that motion— and your eyes 
will jerk toward it so as to determine what it is. 

My cognitive brain was whirling, and I was a little dizzy. Amid 
my silence, with cascades of goosebumps going on even in the soles of 
my feet, I now began to grasp what might be happening. 

Despite my conviction that clairvoyance was only mental, I now 
recognized that while I was indirectly mentally “seeing,” my eye sys- 
tems were in fact seeing the energies also. 

If this WAS the case, and as yet I had not firmly decided it was, 
here was a significant distinction between clairvoyance and LUCID- 
ITY. 


217 


Before we restarted the session, I asked for a drink of water 
because my throat was quite dry. 

My hands were shaking, and the guy asked why, worried that I 
was undergoing some kind of bad effect from the magnet. I could only 
say “Holy Shit, Holy Shit, this is wonderful and unbelievable!” 

VISUAL PERCEPTION OF ACUPUNCTURE 
POINTS COMMENCES 

With the leads again firmly glued to my scalp, the session re- 
sumed. I again looked down at my hands with my eyes, and saw (in 
addition to the blue network and all else) that the surface of the skin 
was peppered with small glowing spots. 

Of course, I immediately wondered what these were — at which 
point they somehow MAGNIFIED — and I could see them composed one- 
half of pink light, the other of turquoise blue light. 

Inside of each of them was a transparent lusciously green whorl, 
or a minute circulating motion and which penetrated through the skin 
into the muscles, themselves now seen as a kind of liquid light like red 
Jell-O. I soon realized, with extreme amazement, what these were. 

I had always wondered how the ancient Chinese could make 
maps of the acupuncture points WITHOUT having sensitive instruments 
which could detect their minute voltages. 

It was now quite clear to me that they almost certainly had 
used MICRO-CLAIRVOYANCE to do so. And at this, I now accepted 
that what was going on was the restoration and enhancement of my 
own clairvoyant faculties which had been suppressed since childhood. 

At any rate, here was some kind of direct clairvoyance of acu- 
puncture points, or so I presumed. However, there were MANY more of 
them than are usually illustrated in the books and on acupuncture 
“dolls.” 

Further, all were interconnected by a very minute, glowing, 
darkish green network, liquid green like the color of deep green water. 

I now realized that the blue network must constitute the equiva- 
lent of the PHYSICAL neural system which conducts sensations through 
the physical body, including those of pain and ecstasy. 


218 


What I determined to be the lymphatic system was a network 
of glowing white. 

The green network associated with the acupuncture was an 
energetic one, and thus was distinct from the physical neural and lym- 
phatic networks. 

To put it mildly, I was in ecstasy at this point, and the blue 
network was glowing even more in this ecstasy— so much so that my 
sensonum itself had gotten aroused, with the result that my membrum 
virile felt as if it was about to do you know what (although it didn’t). 

Both the blue and green networks ran almost side by side, and 
were connected to each other at certain points. I could perceive that 
there was a heavy concentration of both these networks in, yes, the all- 
important glans or “head” of my membrum virile. 

As all this still confusing stuff was going on, I began to get the 

small idea that this was not merely clairvoyance. And this is a little 
hard to articulate. 

Most accounts of clairvoyant experiencing seem to indicate that 
there is the object viewed and the viewer of the object. This is to say the 
object and the viewer are two different things. 

But in the copper wall room, I began to get the idea that I wasn’t 

perceiving as viewer/object relationship where boundaries between the 
two are important. 

Something else was happening. The viewer/object relationship 
had collapsed into some form of integrated “participation.” This was 
the best, but not quite the most accurate term. 

fT/-irvi I ^ thinking about this ,ater - 1 be gan to realize that the term 
LUCIDITY was utilized in the Mahatma Letter, not clairvoyanc&-and 

that everyone, including myself, had automatically assumed that the 
two terms were synonymous. 

With this distinction, it would seem that if the Mahatmas meant 

clairvoyance, then they would have used that term. But they spoke of 
lucidity. 

And I now began to comprehend what the Mahatmas had meant 
by LUCIDITY— something for which the English language does not re- 


219 


ally have a concept or a specific term. 

LUCIDITY 

Even so, it’s worthwhile once more to review the dictionary defi- 
nition of LUCIDITY. The first definition is given as clearness of thought 
or style. But the second is “a presumed capacity to perceive the truth 
directly and instantaneously, as in clairvoyance.” 

LUCID DREAMING, for example, may have to do with seeing 
colors and shapes clearly. But it also refers to dreaming of the truth of 
things or matters. 

Sitting in the copper room, I began to get the idea that the lu- 
cidity of the Mahatmas was composed of several layers or levels of clair- 
voyance functioning all at once. I don’t remember having seen anything 
like all this as a child back in my butterfly-light days. 

But here, almost magically so, were “refinements" so absolutely 
delicate they were unbelievable. And the sense of the trans-dimensional 
something (no word exists for this) seemed capable of “connecting up” 
with EVERYTHING EVERYWHERE. 

The absolute beauty of all this was, and has remained, inde- 
scribable. “Fabulous” doesn’t even do justice to the wonderous beauty 
involved. 

I later found color illustrations in a book entitled ENERGY 
ECSTASY (1978) by Bernard Gunther that came close. Although I had 
this book in my library for some time, 1 didn’t pay it much attention 
because it seemed to me that the book’s artist was taking liberties. 

ENERGY ECSTASY is a book about “human energies, the en- 
ergy body, and the chakras.” 

But Gunther’s illustrations, although beautiful and in color, still 
don’t do justice, most probably because the illustrations are presented 
in only the two dimensions of the page. 

It is true that the sparkling radiances of all these exquisite en- 
ergies can be suggested visually on a 2-dimensional page, but their gor- 
geous fluidic motions have a 3-dimensionality that can’t be portrayed. 

Someday someone will figure out how to film these energies as 
motion pictures, and when this happens everyone will be in for an abso- 
lute and awesome thrill. 


220 


LUCIDITY AT WORK OUTSIDE OF THE 
COPPER WALL ROOM 


The next mind-boggling thing that occurred took place immedi- 
ately after the session. 

There was some kind of heated upset taking place in the com- 
puter room regarding the computers, some of which had inexplicably 
gone down during the session. 

When 1 entered it after being detached from the brainwave leads, 
the computer room was bathed in red light, with electric-like brighter 
red beams shooting around here and there. And I, who could now see 
these, was not even in the copper chamber any longer. 

I actually attributed this seeing to my imagination because it 
would be expected that upsets might produce angry red “vibrations.” 

Dr. Green was present in the red-lit computer room, and he was 
busy trying to calm down the flaring up situation. It was then I noticed 
a circular whitish “light” in the center of his forehead just slightly above 
his eyebrows. 

And THIS I understodO to be an important chakra. And it is 
necessary to introduce the topic of chakras before going on with the 
Tbpeka narrative. 




Chapter 20 


CHAKRA 


The term CHAKRA is lifted directly into Western languages 
from the Sanskrit of ancient India. 

In its original meaning it signified “wheel,” but more precisely 
the “turning” of anything that turns or revolves. Thus, in ancient India, 
it also signified a cycle, a period of duration, in which the wheel of time 
turns once. It also referred to horizon, as being circular or of a wheel- 
form. 


CHAKRA also refers to certain centers of the body having to do 
with energy, which are said to collect streams of energy of different 
kinds. 

In ancient India, the energy was referred to as PRANA. That 
term is derived from the Sanskrit PRA, a prefix meaning “before,” and 
AN, a verb meaning “to breathe, to4)low, and to live.” 

PRANA is therefore usually translated as “life,” or as the “Life 
Principle,” but it has a more technical description as “the psycho-elec- 
trical veil or psycho-electrical field manifesting in the individual as vi- 
tality” 


As to the numbers and different kinds of pranic energy, various 
Asian sages have indicated them as three, others as five, some as seven 
or twelve, and one writer gave the number as thirteen. 

The most important distinction regarding the pranic energies 
is that they do not entirely originate or belong to the biological body or 
to its own energetic fields, but belong more to the natural pranic energy 
reservoirs of the planet (or as some indicate, of the cosmos.) 

However, the pranic energies are “breathed in” as life-currents, 
or vital fluids, to the body systems via energetic apertures in the body’s 
energetic aura, and, according to clairvoyant sensing, are perceived as 
a turning wheels, i.e., as the CHAKRAS. 


In the largest sense probable, CHAKRA could refer to any turn- 
ing that collects energy, or into which or through which energy flows to 



or out of. So it could include such objects as galaxies, black holes, and 
the little whirlpools one sees as water goes into a drain. It is the flowing 
of the energy that sets up the turning. 

However, in its most Westernized sense, chakra refers to cer- 
tain major energy centers of the human body, of which seven are com- 
monly enumerated, although there are many more lesser, but equally 
important ones. 

In any event, chakras are etheric energetic functions that “work” 
in accord with collecting and distributing the number of vital fluids 
inflowing and exhaling with regard to the Life Principle manifesting as 
a physical-electric body. 

CLAIRVOYANT PERCEPTION OF THE CHAKRAS 

Although achieved clairvoyants sometimes specify ten major 
chakras, three of these are usually avoided, leaving seven that are usu- 
ally referred to. 

The seven are positioned in the bio-body energy fields at the 
crown of the head, between the eyebrows, at the throat, the heart, the 
spleen, the solar plexus, the base of the spine. 

As might be suspected by now, the three chakras usually avoided 
have intense sexual implications. 

Thus, most sources indicate that ‘The three remaining chakras 
are situated in the lower part of the pelvis and normally are not used” 
for the reason that these are connected to the astral world of “sexual 
magic” into which it is better not to make treks and fool around. 

THE KUNDALINI ENERGY CHAKRAS 

In the larger picture, all of the usually avoided chakras are di- 
rectly associated to Kundalini energy. 

This is defined as a “cosmic energy latent in the human organ- 
ism responsible for sexual activity and also conditions of higher con- 
sciousness.” And so here FINALLY is a traditional link between for- 
mats of sexual energy and formats of higher consciousness. 

The difficulty in integrating ALL of the above factors is that if 
one wishes to obtain “higher consciousness,” then it would seem that 
ALL of the chakras have to become activated — including the three 
avoided ones. 


224 


■ While it is true that higher intelligence can be obtained by “work- 

I ing with” only the seven best known chakras, obtaining “higher con- 
sciousness” as distinct from mere higher intelligence is another matter. 
Higher consciousness, it is said, is achieved only via some kind 
W of Kundalini awakening. 

V THE LOCATIONS OF THE SEXUALIZING CHAKRAS 

ft The locations of the three avoided chakras are not merely in the 

“pelvic region.” 

■ In both males and females, one of them is directly on the pubic 

mound, the second is in the cleft between the physical sex apparatus 
■ and the anus. 

H The third avoided chakra is admitted as existing in some sources, 

H but without specification as to where it is located. 

H Depending on the degree or level of one’s clairvoyance or lucid- 

■ ity, different layers or dimensions of the entangled manifestation be- 

1 come apparent. Different aspects of the aura or energy field become 

■ visible, and a large variety of different kinds and sizes of chakras be- 
H come exposed. * 

It would seem, then, that the existence of the seven chakras is 
■ more easily perceived by a form of clairvoyance that is “turned on” more 

■ easily than other more complex clairvoyant formats. 

■ However, this does not at all detract from the considerable im- 

■ portance of the seven chakras most usually perceived. The only mean- 

I ing here is that they are most easily seen, and thus most frequently 

■ reported. 

If the aura or energy field is a multidimensional affair, then it 
is reasonable to expect that there are different dimensional forms of 
■ clairvoyance and/or lucidity. However, if lucidity is taken as a super 
■ form of clairvoyance, then perceptual elaboration would be greater in 
■ the lucidity state. 

I THE CHAKRAS ELABORATED VIA TH EOSOPHY 

As to written sources concerning the aura and the chakras, there 
I I is no getting around the fact that the indomitable and quite prolific 
I I Elder Brother of Theosophy, Charles Webster Leadbeater, put his de- 
ll scriptive stamp on them quite vividly. 

I 


22f> 


Among his numerous contributions in this regard, in 1895 he 
published THE AURA: AN ENQUIRY INTO THE NATURE AND FUNC- 
TIONS OF THE LUMINOUS MIST SEEN ABOUT HUMAN AND 

OTHER BEINGS. 

Between 1895 and 1925, he published at least six other books 
along these lines, each addressing different and more complex issues. 

Then, in 1927, he published THE CHAKRAS: A RECORD OF 
CLAIRVOYANT OBSERVATIONS— and which has been reprinted about 

every eight years since. 

This is a quite wonderful and vibrant book, and the*even ma- 
jor chakras are colorfully illustrated, albeit in idealized ways. 

It should be noted that the major seven can look quite different 

from individual to individual. 

ENERGIES DENSE ENOUGH TO BE VISIBLE 


Leadbeater first indicates that ordinary men have to confine 
their attention to that part of the body which “is dense enough to be 
visible to the eye.” Therefore, most of them are probably unaware of the 
existence of a type of matter which is invisible, though still physical. 

In quite straightforward English, Leadbeater indicates that the 
invisible parts constitute the “vehicle” through which “now the streams 
of vitality which keep the body alive,” and without them “the ego," among 
other misfortunes, “could make no use of the cells of his brain.” 

As to the chakras, or “force centers” as he also calls them, these 
are “points of connection” via which vitality energy from different 
“planes” flows from one “vehicle” of man to another. 

“Anyone,” says Leadbeater, “who possesses a slight degree of 
clairvoyance may easily see them in the etheric double, where they show 
themselves as saucer-like depressions or vortices in its surface. 


He goes on to describe that when the force centers are “quite 
undeveloped, ’’they appear as small circles, perhaps two inches in di- 
ameter “glowing dully in the ordinary man." 

If awakened, vivified and developed, they “are seen as blazing, 
coruscating whirlpools, much increased in size, and resembling minia- 


ture suns.” . . . , , 

All of these “wheels are perpetually rotating, and into the hub 


or open mouth of each a force from the higher world is always flowing 
a manifestation of the life-stream issuing from . . . what we call the 
primary force.” 

Leadbeater ALSO addresses such issues as the arousing of 
Kundalini, the awakening of the etheric chakras, various kinds of Yoga, 
a topic entitled “casual clairvoyance,” dangers of “premature awaken- 
ing,” and spontaneous awakening of Kundalini. 

All sources considered, Leadbeater’s book on the chakras is quite 
wonderful, concise, and exemplary of invisible consistencies with ear- 
lier Eastern sources. 

It does NOT, however, include discussions of the three “pelvic” 
chakras. 


226 


227 


Chapter 21 


NETWORKS WITHIN THE 
ENTANGLED MANIFESTATION 


For the next sitting in the copper chamber I arrived quite sub- 
dued. 

During the night in the motel room, I had decided to try some- 
thing which seemed to require some courage — to look into my body at 
the internal organs. 

I had diagrammed those organs time and again back in college 
in my anatomy courses, and sketched them for doctors during autop- 
sies to make a little extra money. 

But the prospect of seeing my own organs was another matter. 
There is a certain fear attached to this. 

LUCIDITY OF INTERNAL BODY ORGANS 

At some level of consciousness we know these organs are mor- 
tal, that they will ultimately fail, and when they do we will be dead. 

How would I respond if it turned out I should see something quite dread- 
ful about my OWN organs? 

There is a certain insulation when objectively seeing the organs 
of others; most people, though, are squeamish about their own. 

I never thought I was squeamish; but now found out that I was. 
So there was a certain reluctance to this decision. 


None the less I, reclined on the motel bed, pressed my lips firmly 
together. 

When my hands again turned transparent I shifted my atten- 
tion to the bio-body’s heart — to find it either encased in or radiating a 
soft golden light. 


EXAMINING THE HEART VIA LUCIDITY 

Because I like rich foods and good wine, I was worried, of course, 
that I'd see globs of cholesterol usually taken to mean approaching heart 
problems. 

Hut in moving through l Inn organ, magnifying its interior. I could 


see very little cholesterol. (One of the first things I did when I got back 
to New York was to ascertain my cholesterol count — with was consid- 
ered “normal.”) 

Strangely, I could hear the rushing of the blood, but not the 
heartbeat. 

EXAMINING THE INTESTINES VIA LUCIDITY 

Somewhat relieved, I “did” the stomach, liver, pancreas, etc., 
and, biting my teeth, the intestines. All of these seemed okay to me. But 
the interior walls of the lower colon seemed to be slimy and impacted 
with mucous and old waste which had hardened and not been excreted. 

This had congealed into a rubbery hard substance — and was 
producing a dull black aura. 

Here, then, was a “dirty colon” which I had read about. I was 
later to see that this adverse condition is not unusual when I looked 
into other peoples’ intestines. 

Indeed, just as I was preparing to write this chapter, the NEW 
YORK POST (20 July 1995) published a short article about a forthcom- 
ing Elvis Presley documentary entitled “Eating Elvis.” Presley’s eating 
habits were awesome and awful. The article quotes the medical exam- 
iner who performed the autopsy, who said that Presley’s colon was im- 
pacted with a clay-like substance which could have been the cause of 
his death. (I later undertook some rigorous colon cleansing methods.) 

EXAMINING THE BRAIN VIA LUCIDITY 

Having confronted the stuff in my colon, I dared to see into the 
brain. Here, seen with lucidity, is certainly a wonder of wonders. But 
how to describe it? 

If the brain is to be thought of only as biological matter, then 
inside the skull a large part of the biological matters seemed to be some 
kind of water. 

But if the brain is seen as the aura networks of lights and radi- 
ances, then the energy-brain extends out through the skull and inter- 
penetrate the entire bio-body, envelope it, and extend at some distance 
from it. 

In this sense, the brain is a “fountain” emitting sprays of light 


out from the top of the head in the ways magnets have been determined 
to do. 

These then curve downward, like an ultra-fine mist or dew, cas- 
cading all around the body and then move back up into the body through, 
of all places, the soles of the feet. 

The whole of this SPARKLES with a wild assortment of colors. 

Associated with this are some darker-colored “bands,” which, in 
my way of expressing them, are “more heavy.” 

These, too, rise up out of the top of the skull, often to a height of 
three to five feet, and then turn downward. 

They then encapsulate the body at about a distance of one to 
two feet on its exterior, and reenter the soles of the feet. They extend 
into the floor or ground usually about five feet. 

I called these "magnetic bands” — but only because of the lack of 
a more precise term. 

These slowly, very slowly, rotate around the bio-body either clock- 
wise or anti-clockwise in different people, and occasionally change the 
W direction of rotation as if some kind of a “polarity shift” takes place. 

■ I really had no idea (and still don’t) about what they are. But on 
average, they do constitute an extended and roughly ovalesque shape — 
the only ovalesque shape I’ve ever managed to see regarding personal 

1 human auras. 

I There are never less than five bands, but some people have as 

many as ten — especially if they are sexually “complicated” as we will 
1 see. 

■ Their main source or conduit, however, does not appear to be 
, the brain. They merge in the esophagus and seem to flow through it. 

I EXAMINING THE SPINE VIA LUCIDITY 

1 From the spine emerges a complex network, usually dark pink 

in color, which extends through and around the entire body from the 
skin all the way into each and every internal organ. This network seems 
1 to culminate in the nails of the toes and fingers, and the hair follicles, 
all of which then emit rays of pink and bluish light (as seen, for ox- 

■ ample, by von Reichenbach’s sensitives.) 

In what I later was told by doctors to be long-term, emotionally 
depressed people, this network has lost its luster and has darkened, In 

r 


230 


231 


I VC \ VVJVJKKO 


I -j j \ s 


• 1 JO ' \ c 


those taking sedatives or depressants, this particular network seems to 
have weakened, and in some cases has vanished altogether. 

EXAMINING UNKNOWN NETWORKS VIA LUCIDITY 

However, most visible are the “networks” of which there are 
several, while it seems none of them are really known to anatomically 
exist. 

Indeed, the entire bio-psychic organism (a term which by now I 
am obliged to utilize,) seems to be densely composed of networks of all 
kinds and which entangle each other. 

If these nets are not seen magnified, they altogether can be seen 
as mists of lights whose combined radiance extends to about a foot or 
more outside of the bio-body proper. 

In this sense, their combined luminosity can look like an oval 
aura. But when magnified, in fact they are not oval, since all of them (or 
at least all that I’ve managed to see) more or less follow the contours of 
the bio-body from the surface of the skin inward and outward. 

The skeleton has its own special net, which, to me, seems very 
strongly and heavily “magnetic” in nature. Any damage to this particu- 
lar network can easily result in some form of unconsciousness. 

What is distinctly emitted from the bio-body, however, are rays, 
beams, and what I call “bubbles” of energy. 

The bubbles can be exceedingly tiny or quite large — and they 
are like spores or globules of light of many different colors, intensities, 
and densities. 

All of the rays, beams and bubbles can project or drift far afield, 
and all of them can quite easily be absorbed and disappear into the 
auras of others. The processes of absorption can take place in fractions 
of seconds or more slowly. 

The various kinds of rays and beams can extend for quite some 
astonishing distance from the bio-body as we shall see ahead. All of this 
equates to “medical clairvoyance” which has already been mentioned. 

Particularly noticeable are those rays and beams having to do 
with sexual energies, and the energies of love, hate, desire, and the 
passions. 


Indeed, when impacting into the fields of others, there is a kind 
of splash of energies, as if a rock hitting water. All of these can quickly 
be “absorbed” into the energy fields of others. 

And so for the first time I really came to understand that those 
kinds of rays and beams have tangible “substance.” 

And it all became very real to me, especially when after the 
copper room session, I told Dr. Green and his associates “Well, I’ve seen 
my internal organs.” 

They were, of course, suitably awed. But no one asked what I 
had seen regarding my own organs. Rather they all wanted to know 
what I could see regarding THEIR organs. 

So happily at first, I began to look at a variety of internal or- 
gans. For example, one of those persons had a liver which looked whit- 
ish and sort of “water-logged.” and which was considerably different 
from all the other livers. 

I had no idea at all of the possible meanings of this, and was 
hesitant to tell the person about his liver. 

And although I didn’t realize it at the time, this kind of seeing 
into others was an innocent prelude of more vastly complicated things 
to come. I was shortly to encounter a vast number of things about auras 
and organs which were completely incomprehensible mysteries to me, 
factors which I could NOT find mentioned in books. 

MY VERY OWN COPPER MIRROR 

Even before the working sessions in Topeka drew to a close, I 
was completely “sold” on the copper mirror device of the Mahatmas. 
And I wanted my own personal copper mirror. 

I couldn t, of course, construct the elegant, four-walled room at 
the Menninger Clinic. But I could easily build the device described in 
the Mahatma Letter to A. P. Sinnett. 

I asked Dr. Green and Wendell Spencer, the project’s biomedi 
cal technician, to build an exact replica of their magnet, which had to be 
constructed because magnet manufacturers no longer build them. 

Back in New York I went to a sheet metal supplier and became 
the proud owner of an H-fool by a foot sheet of copper. This was fixed 
to a large piece of plywood. After the direction of true magnetic north in 


New York had been determined by compass, the copper sheet was sus- 
pended in a small room so that I could sit facing it to the true north. 

The magnet, reproduced exactly as the one at the Volunteer 
Controls Program, duly arrived about two months later, together with 
a bill for $210. 

I suspended it over my head, sat down in the chair which was 
lifted up on four glass blocks, and was in business. After which, my 
entire world began to unravel. There were three reasons for this. 

The first was that the LUCIDITY which was so easy to turn on, 
turned out to be not so easy to turn off. 

The second was that the ratio between (1) what I thought I could 
understand, and (2) what I did not understand AT ALL dramatically 
increased in favor of the latter. 

The third reason was that it shortly transpired that I didn’t 
need the magnet or the copper sheet to turn on the LUCIDITY. 

Indeed, it was soon turned on all of the time, twenty-four hours 
a day, even in my dreams, and nothing I could do seemed either turn it 
off or even calm it down. 

I was living in a realm of lights, rays, beams, bubbles, intermix- 
ing auras, traveling “thunderbolts" of wayward energies. 

It got so bad that I was seeing the luminosities around door 
handles and the materials of buildings, the lights emanating from my 
computer screen, the green and purple emanations of the asphalt streets, 
and the in-sucking of energies by plastics, and on and on beyond imagi- 
nation. 

So distorting did all of this become that I had to step from the 
curbs very carefully, not being quite sure where the cement actually 
ended and where a “luminosity” began. The lucidity of the Mahatmas 
was getting to be too much! 


234 




Chapter 22 


\A 




^ 

TURNING OFF WHAT THE COPPER MIRROR 

TURNED ON 




As has already been mentioned, the auras and energy fields of 
the human are multidimensional, each dimension becoming apparent 
to perception only via a different kind or level of clairvoyance. 

Several levels or thresholds of clairvoyance operating simulta- 
neously seems to be what the Mahatmas meant by LUCIDITY. 

shifting; thresholds of clairvoyance 

In my experiencing th e multidimensional situation b ecame in- 
creasingly problematical in that boundaries of the numerous dimen- 
sions usually are not distincLand sometimes often blend into each other 

Several types of clairvoyance have been mentioned in earlier 
chapters — such a s X-ray, medic al, micro- and macro-clairvoyanc e, trav- 
eling clairvoyance and spirit-seeing clairvoyance. 

- Tb these could be added sensitivity to earthquakes, dowsing, 
and sexuality— and telepathy, too, which can be described as a kind of 
extending clairvoyance across distances and through barriers. 

If some part of these differing clairvoyant thresholds manifest 
simultaneously, then a mass (and a mess) of beautiful energies flicker- 
ing, coming and going, can result. 

MIND FILTERS BLOCKING CLAIRVOYANCE 

Another situation not identified in any source available to me is 
that if the being-energy-body “decides,” so to speak, to manifest in one 
or two particular dimensions, then the rest vanish, at least temporarily. 

But this vanishing also means that they disappear from clair 
voyant view. 

In this regard, it would appear that many clairvoyants seeing 
one or two kinds of dimensional energy activity might not notice others. 

This might have something to do with the dimensions, thought 


l 


2an 


\ U- [ MV 3 ' ’ 

systems, or beliefs the clairvoyants themselves are working in. For ex- 
ample, it is quite well understood that mental conditioning (for what- 
ever reason) establishes “filters” in the mind. 

These often prevent certain kinds of observing processes. Thus, 
a clairvoyant who is prudish regarding sexuality might not be enabled 
to see sexuality manifestations in the auras. 

This is to say that the extent of aura seeing may be dependent 
on what fits into a clairvoyant’s given reality and/or knowledge levels. 

As it is, an extensive survey of reports and literature regarding 
clairvoyant perception of auras reveals that sexualizing energies are 
seldom mentioned. 

Considering that sexualizing energies are important, and that 
if not clairvoyantly seen, they are often sensed and literally felt by oth- 
ers, something here becomes recognizable because of its absence. 

THE DOUBLE PROBLEM OF NOT ENOUGH CLAIRVOYANCE 

AND 

TOO MUCH LUCipnY 

Aev- 

IF human vitalizing energies do exist, and IF 
the universal capability of sensing-seeing them via various kinds of clair- 
voyance, then there can be the problem of having too little clairvoy- 
ance. 

On the other hand, if the multidimensionality factor is incorpo- 
rated, then sensing-seeing too much via lucidity can also become some- 
thing of a problem. 

For comparison, if ten different movies are shown simulta- 
neously on the same screen, each on top of one another, then the whole 
might come to look more like a mess of flickering luminosities. 

I was not exactly aware that the latter problem of TOO MUCH 
could exist as my very own lucidity increased by sitting in front of my 
very own copper mirror. In any event, I am sometimes a stalwart soul 
regarding psychic things, and I persevered the best I could. 

I was well along into the complex difficulties regarding IN- 
CREASES in lucidity when the first real crisis became apparent. This 
occurred when I had to take a bus or subway somewhere. 



Stepping into a subway car now meant stepping into the bewil- 
dering arrays of auras of all the other riders — or into a riot of conflict- 

236 



ing energies, the whole of which was both breath-taking and sapping. 
The auras of some people are very “bad" and/or “negative” in an “ugh!” 
kind of way. 


At first I made the best of it, studying the auras of this or that 
passenger. But then in one young man’s aura I perceived, of all things, 
a rectangular black “bar” complete with 90-degree angular corners, just 
outside of his body over the solar plexus area. I had no idea AT ALL 
what this was, and still don’t. 


Then there were all kinds of energies pumping out of bodies 
and jumping hither and thither— and into the bio-bodies of OTHERS, 
including mine. In short, too much of this had, as it were, become really 
too much. 


TURNING LUCIDITY OFF 

I tried to turn it off myself. But to little avail. I soon realized I 
needed help. 

I telephoned the clairvoyant healer, Carmen de Barazza, an old 
friend whom I trusted implicitly, but didn’t see very often. All I indi- 
cated to her over the telephone was that I REALLY needed to talk to 
her, but didn’t explain why. 

“Wow!” Carmen said, when I first walked into her office, “all of 
your chakras are WIDE OPEN!” 

I said, “Well, for Chrissakes, let’s figure out how to close them 
down!” I explained everything to her. 

She “tested” my lucidity — and flattered me by saying that I could 
“see” many things she couldn’t. 

With her help, we managed to bring about a kind of SMALLER 
LUCIDITY that more or less responded to my conscious control, a pro- 
cess that needed about ten visits to the wonderful Carmen. 

Its too bad that the Mahatmas did not provide warning provi- 
sos in their suggestions regarding how to enhance LUCIDITY. 

Meanwhile, I occasionally worked with three medical doctors to 
help them diagnose difficult patients. However, my lack of detailed 
medical knowledge about diseases and conditions proved to be a draw 
back. In this particular work, I sometimes saw the ominous dull black 
auras. 






It was very hard for me to say that these forecast approaching 
physical death. And I DIDN’T WANT to say it. What if I was wrong? 

I also saw a lot of auras with dull black “holes” in them, espe- 
cially in a number of AIDs patients. I simply didn’t have the heart to 

continue. 

EXPERIENCING A SIMPLE EXAMPLE 
OF MEDICAL CLAIRVOYANCE 

However, what I consider to be my most fulfilling example of 
"medical clairvoyance” occurred when a complete stranger who had 
heard of me came with the complaint that one of his toes had itched for 
about six months to his complete distraction. 

X-ray and other tests had been taken. But no doctors could say 

what was causing the itch. 

I examined the guilty toe with “medical clairvoyance,” at first 
seeing nothing. Then I did “micro-clairvoyance” and Voila! There was a 
very tiny splinter lodged in the callous of the toe. It was so tiny you 
needed a good magnifying glass to see it. We proceeded to dig it out with 
a sewing needle— after which the itch promptly vanished. 

CLAIRVOYANCE OF SEXUALIZING 
ENERGIES CONCRETIZES 

But what I did have the heart to continue was to sit on the front 
stoop of my building and examine the auras of people walking past. 
Subway cars were not ideal environments in which to study auras, but 
from the stoop I could be detached enough to inspect a great deal. 

I became particularly interested in the parts of the auras and 
energy bodies that had to do with sexual matters. And this I was quite 
up to, as almost everyone is, if only secretly, perhaps. 

Thus, I more or less abandoned “medical clairvoyance.” Instead, 
I began focusing on another form of clairvoyance appropriately called, 
one should think, “the energetics of sexuality clairvoyance." The results 
of this effort will be described in Part IV just ahead. 

^ Sexuality clairvoyance/lucidity has heretofore remained uniden- 
tified in Theosophical or any other sources, but, as we have seen in Part 
I, had already been sporadically encountered by others. 


238 


Along these lines, Manhattan is rich in having real life sources — 
such as bars and other places frequented by those of different sexual 
“orientations.” 

At such places it was very easy to discern the somewhat similar 
sexualizing energy aspects of those “birds of a feather who like to hang 
out together.” 

Everyone, of course, possesses sexualizing energies in their en- 
ergy bodies and sensoria— this seemingly a mandate of nature — even 
though some may believe otherwise, or even resent the fact. 

With this fascinating clairvoyant project underway, I continued 
visiting Carmen about twice a week to describe and discuss all of these 
energies, in the hope that she could help me understand. 

And, in good part, she did — although she, too, did not know what 
the "geometric energies" were, and which I occasionally saw in others 
in all kinds of different shapes. 




PART IV 


“ANATOMY’ OF SEXUALIZING ENERGIES 



Chapter 23 


PARAPHERNALIA AND REGALIA OF HUMAN 

SEXUAUZING ENERGIES 


As agreed by everyone, the strictly material aspects of the bio- 
body are composed of inorganic substances in the form of atoms, ele- 
ments, and chemicals coming together to form “biological” molecules. 

However, as discussed earlier, the question remains as to how 
the inorganic substances end up as constituting the organic and ener- 
getic bio-body — this in the face of the fact that the inorganic substances 
by themselves cannot achieve this kind of feat or functioning. 

AN ENERGETIC MASTER PLAN? 

Indeed, the existence of some kind of well-designed energetic 
masterplan is required which aligns the inorganic substances, and re- 
sults in the form and structure (morphology) of the biological anatomy. 

Thereafter, the morphology is dynamically ACTIVE, resulting 
in what is referred to as a life organism or life entity. 

There is an important characteristic of the life entity I’ve not 
yet found distinguished anywhere. This has to do with motion. 

If we consider sand on a beach, for example, we know it to be 
composed of inorganic substances broken down into small particles, or 
sand grains. 

We know that the sand particles get pushed around by the mo- 
tions of water, wind, and so forth. In this sense, the sand is formatted 
by motions and influences external to it— in that the sand particles by 
themselves cannot and do not resist the external motions. 

All life forms or life entities, however, are equipped in different 
degrees to resist various external motions and influences. In this sense, 
the life entity more or less stakes a claim to existing within external 
motions and influences. 

This can only mean that the life entity must have energies to 
counterbalance the external motions and energies. 

The central idea here is that MOTION of any kind requires 


243 


^ Co^^i ^AOy Ce V\ c. 

ENERGY of some kind. 'v.*o» CS' V-£ ' 

Furthermore, in the case of animated (motional) life forms, the 
energy cannot be just diffuse potential, but must itself have rather pre- 
cise form and structure (morphology). 

The existence of energetic masterplans (a.k.a., energetic blue- 
prints) remains problematical in the modern West because its philoso- 
phers and scientists are somewhat stubbornly opposed to admitting the 
actual existence of such an ephemeral masterplan. 


However, this stubbornness is beginning to wear down — in that 
advances in genetic research have begun to suggest that DNA molecules 
are resonating to something other than pure matter. A dditionally, 
Tno^energetics research has quite firmly establishedthe existence of 
complex energetic Fields almost completely denied forty years ago. . 

P)A/A- ^ 

wJ §&m*GEnc ‘VEHICLES” 

The confusions of the Western situation in this regard have never 
been problematical within the larger scopes of many pre-modern Far 
Eastern thought systems. 


In those systems, what we refer to as the physical body was 
simply referred to as the Lesser Vehicle. 

With equal simplicity, the combined vital energy masterplan 
was referred to, usually with considerable reverence, as the Greater 
Vehicle— and which interacted and resonated with the even far greater 
vehicle of cosmic energetics. 

There is a major and ongoing two-fold point of contention be- 
tween modern Western and ancient Eastern thinking along these lines, 
having to do with the matter of clairvoyance. 

The Western sciences held that the energetic masterplan did 
not exist, and that clairvoyance didn't either. 

Eastern thinking held that the Greater Vehicle did exist, and so 

did clairvoyance. 


Some recent Eastern thinkers have sardonically observed that 
since clairvoyance belongs to the Greater Vehicle, the Western scien- 
tists examining only within the limitations of the Lesser Vehicle were 
unlikely to run across it. And unlikely as well to run across any number 
of masterplan phenomena and implications. 



244 


' Since Eastern thinking holds that clairvoyance exists, it also 

holds that formats and activity of the energetic masterplan systems 
can be perceived. 

I 

The Eastern concepts also hold that different kinds of clairvoy- 
ance innate within the Greater Vehicle can be activated, and that some 
of the kinds of clairvoyance perceive more than others. 

A SPECTRUM OF VITAL LIFE VIBRATIONS 

One way of identifying these different kinds of clairvoyance is 
that they are ORDERED along a spectrum of lowest to higher vibra- 
tions or frequencies. 

In terms of Vital Life, the very lowest of these pertain to vibra- 
tions whose nature is destructive and self-collapsing — ultimately even 
as regards self-tearing-down of the two Vehicles themselves. 

The higher of the Vital Life vibrations or frequencies ascend 
along a scale, from gross to more and more refined mentation — and 
which is inclusive of different strata of consciousness and awareness 
intimately coppled with sensitivity, perception, quality and scope.^. 

Along this spectrum of formatted energies, sexuaTones are well 
into the ascending higher scale, their obvious main purpose being the 
creative proliferation of Lesser Vehicles. 

And, as earlier suggested, their activation will also serve as 
energetic launch pads into other forms of creativity. The concept of sexual 
energies as being of low and base order is thus the result only of con- 
fused societal attitudes. 

Most schools of Eastern thinking hold that various aspects of 
this spectrum can be active or inactive, sometimes distorted or honed, 
tattered or well-defined, well-greased or rusty, and can have different 
quotients or caliber of vital energies in terms of weak to strong. 

That all of the energies involved have shapes and forms is clearly 
indicated in all studies of such energies, even those that are Western in 
origin. These shapes and forms can be clairvoyantly seen as they are, 
but something here depends on which dimensional strata of clairvoy 
ance is active. 


24ft 


Ur/J^wir^ V»C\ L-eir _ t mtcf 

If not seen directly, the energies can still be sensed non- visually 
by one’s vital energy systems whether the physical awareness of the 
Lesser Vehicle is aware of it or not. 

And they can be given familiar image, literary and even math- 
ematical personifications by various anthropomorphic processes. The 
well-known artistic presentations of William Blake are but one example 
of personification of Greater Vehicle energies. 

As another example, the female or male sexual energies can be 
portrayed as Venus or Mars, Yin or Yang, etc. In the West androgynous 
sexual energies are usually symbolized by Mercury, or visually portrayed 
as half Venus and half Mars. 

The late, great Marilyn Monroe was broadly accepted as Venus 
incarnate, and the once famous Rudolph Valentino was broadly accepted 
as Mars incarnate. 

ANATOMY OF THE AURA ENERGY FIELDS 

That the vital energies of the Greater Vehicle have what amount 
to anatomical shape and form can be established, for example, by the 
_ graphic illustrations of the chakras. 
f But many other sources ancient or recent also illustrate beams, 

/ undulations, rays, tubes, radiations, globules, energies coming and go- 
l ing, appearing and vanishing, changing shape , changi ng into different 

\ forms, etc. CiP 

As I chanced to perceive them via my encounter with clairvoy- 
ant-lucidity (as I suppose it might be put), the sexual energies of the 
Greater Vehicle interacting with the physical phenomena of the Lesser 
Vehicle were quite complicated. 

I have not been able to find too much descriptive precedent for 
these complicated energetic phenomena. 

It is true that the all-important pubic chakra was sometimes 
illustrated as a blob of light over the male or female genitalia— this 
rather too neatly covering the genitalia with what amounts to nothing 
more than a glowing fig leaf. 

From what I could perceive of the SEXUALIZING energies, most 
of them involved formats seemingly consistent among everyone. At one 
level, these seemed to be closely affiliated with the basic biological body 
itself— such as the skeletal, neural, acupuncture and other networks, 


24B 


and the organs, including the muscles and skin. 

These energies then could extend outward from the physical 
corpus into the local surrounding energy fields, and then into quite some 
astonishing distances beyond. 

However, the sexualizing energies could be perceived in two 
general categories or states: 

1 there, but not all that active 

2 aroused, and during which the energetic sexualizing anatomy 
intensifies and changes dramatically 


In searching my trusty dictionary for appropriate nomencla- 
ture (I don’t like neologisms), I decided to utilize two familiar terms — 
and which have the advantage of being carried over into other books 
dealing with the energetic aspects of creativity and power. 


4f 


^ PARAPHERNALIA refers to personal possessions, furnishings, 
or apparatus. This is normally taken to refer to objects we accumulate 


or own. 


But it is also entirely applicable to matters of sexuality and 
sexualizing. For example, our genitals are paraphernalia — while “our” 
paraphernalia can include the whole of our bio-bodies. 




REGALIA refers to special finery, usually having to do with out- 
standing and spectacular costume indicative of office, function, status, 
and special categories of highly visible ceremonial activity. 





247 



Chapter 24 


SOME ANATOMY OF SEXUALIZING 
ENERGY PARAPHERNALIA 


As we have seen, the topic of aura energy fields is rather com- 
plicated. So, as with anything complex, the topic is accompanied by a 
fair share of misunderstandings, confusions, and simple mis-informa- 

tion. And, indeed, it may be that the information in this book has not 
escaped all of them. 

But reasons can be identified for at least some of the confu- 
sions. So, before going on with descriptions of sexualizing energetics it 
is useful to clarify two of them, because they have direct relevance to- 
ward any fuller comprehension of aura energy fields. 

One confusing aspect has to do with how and why the aura en- 
ergy field exists. 

An assumption broadly shared has it that the aura energy fields 
are being produced by the material aspects of the biological body. In 
this case, the aura belongs to the physical body. 

Contemporary energetic research identifies these as the physi- 
cal fields of the biological body. 

However, although the material aspects of the body might be 
thought of as producing subtle energetic emanations, it is far more likely 
that the emanations are a by-product of the various energies flowing 
and circulating within it. 

The confusion here is that the there are two concepts about the 
aura: that it belongs to the physical body, and that it does not belong to 
the physical body. Evidence supporting both concepts is offered in many 
sources. 


However, behind this double confusion lurks an idea that oblit- 
erates additional ideas that are needed to more fully explain the hu- 
man entity both as a being and as an organism. 


The basic doctrines of materialism that came to characterize 


249 



the earlier modern sciences held that only matter existed. Thus, the 
bio- body was composed only of matter. 

But there have always been two glitches in this concept, both of 
which were frequently pointed up by researchers who were antagonis- 
tic to the philosophy of materialism. 

The first glitch consisted of the fact that even if the body was 
entirely physical, it still needed bio-dynamic energy to function. It was 
clear enough that the bio-body ate food, and that the food was converted 
into the necessary energy that permitted bio-dynamic function. 

Thus, the physical body absolutely needed not a continuous sup- 
ply of food, but rather the energy it could be converted into. In this 
sense, the human organism was composed of two interacting systems 
unified as a matter-energy system. The theory of materialism-only was 
therefore incomplete. 

The second glitch, somewhat more serious and fraught with 
important implications, had to do with how and why the physical-mat- 
ter elements of the human became ANIMATED in the first place. 

This question was a volcanic issue between the exponents of 
MATERIALISM and VITALISM during the latter part of the nineteenth 
century and the early part of the twentieth, and resulted in stupendous 
conflicts now largely forgotten. 

THE CONFLICTS BETWEEN MATERIALISM * 

AND VITALISM 

The vitalists held that the materialists were studying the hu- 
man body only AFTER it had become animated, and that such after- 
the-fact studies could not explain the major issue regarding the how 
and why of essential life animating energies. 

And indeed, it is quite fair to point up that how animation of 
inert physical matter takes place is a question remaining not only un- 
answered, but mysteriously unexamined. 

The term VITALISM is taken from VITALITY, defined as “the 
peculiarity distinguishing the living from the nonliving,” the living hav- 
ing “power of enduring and continuing.” 

The vitalists held: 

1 that explanations of the animating functions of a living organ- 


250 


ism require a vital energetic principle that is distinct from 
physico-chemical forces; and 

2 that the processes of life are not explicable by the laws of phys- 
ics and chemistry alone, and that life is in some part self-deter- 
mining outside of those laws. 

The exponents of both vitalism and materialism recognized that 
if a “vital energetic principle” did exist, it would equate to an energetic 
master plan, or “blueprint," that existed independently of the matter- 
body, and which activated and energized it as an animated organism. 

This not only more than hinted at the existence of an energetic 
life entity, but that it would logically be independent of and external to 
the laws of physics and chemistry. 

If the existence of the vital life principle was admitted into even 
a minimum of scientific authenticity, then the dynamic domains of ma- 
terialistic physics and chemistry were not all they were cracked up to 
be. 

This volcanic issue was finally settled in about 1919, when the 
materialists totaled the vitalists by denying them any possibility of sci- 
entific acceptance. 

Together with the issue of life-animating factors, the term VI- 
TALISM was shortly expunged and omitted from approved mainstream 
sources. 

It is ironic that today’s physicists and those researching mor- 
phogenetic fields, morphic resonance, and causative formation are, in 
fact, various kinds of NEO-VITALISTS — albeit that condemned word 
probably will not be resurrected. 

A particularly informative book in this regard is SYMPATHETIC 
VIBRATIONS: REFLECTIONS ON PHYSICS AS A WAY OF LIFE 
(1985) by K. C. Cole. 

A DISTINCTIVE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN 
MATERIALISM AND VITALISM 

In an earlier chapter, the ancient Eastern concept of the LESSER 
and the GREATER VEHICLE was briefly discussed. 

The Lesser Vehicle largely corresponds to the animated mate- 

261 








% 


\f \s*-v 




rial body composed of matter and energy. 

The Greater Vehicle is exclusively of energy, plus whatever else, 
and it is this Greater Vehicle that animates the Lesser. 

Thus, the materialists have been exponents of the Lesser Ve- 
hicle, while the vitalists were exponents of the Greater Vehicle. 

It is now possible to state the main point of the above discus- 
sion. The Lesser Vehicle would obviously have its particular aura en- 
ergy fields, while the Greater Vehicle “overshadowing” the Lesser would 
have its own dynamic aura-energetic aspects. 

lb a very large degree, the aura energy fields of both would 
interpenetrate each other. But in some quite important sense, the ener- 
getics of the Greater Vehicle could clairvoyantly become hyper-visible, 
especially if the double vital energy system be came super-energized. 

As we have already examined in the case of mesmeric, odic, 
psychic force and orgone energies, if the animating energies chance to 
become super-energized then appearance of extraordinary sexualizing 
phenomena takes place. 

This can lead, tentatively, to the surprising observation that 
the sexualizing energies belong more to the Greater Vehicle than to the 
Lesser. This is somewhat opposite of what is generally assumed to be 
the case. 

.. THE ANATOMY OF THE BASIC THREE 

SEXUALIZING CHAKRAS 

Regarding the phenomena of the sexualizing energy parapher- 
nalia of humans, it first needs to be tacitly understood that the phe- 
nomena, as I perceived them, apparently DO NOT belong to the physi- 
cal components of the biological body. 

While it is true that the physical components do respond to them, 
if the sexualizing energy is not present, they don’t respond. 

Rather, they appear to belong to an extremely complex, highly 
structured, energy network within which the matter of the physical 
components is enfolded. 

This is to say that the physical body is NOT producing the en- 
ergy structures, as might be commonly assumed at first. It is more likely 
that aggregates of arousal energy are flowing into the energy network 
of the Greater Vehicle. 


252 






ff' (tmw v 






That energy network is a highly formatted, energy distrihut ion 
super grid WITHIN which the physical body is brought into existence. 

Elements of this super grid penetrate into the bio-body, but its 
major structural elements are just at the surface of the skin, or just 


Sta) fcGfo 


fi W 
V Crti 


THE FIRST, OR MAIN, SEXUALIZING CHAKRA V Cl i 1 ) 

Both the male and female versions usually are seen as having 
three important chakras which, to my knowledge, have not been identi- 
fied or discussed. 

We have already referred to the famous pubic chakra, although 
Leadbeater and most other sources omitted all but passing reference to 
it. 

In past conventional illustrations, only one sexual chakra is seen, 
usually placed just in front (hence covering) the vagina or penis, chastely 
blotting out both. 

In fact, though, less prudish Eastern sources place the sex chakra 
where it is actually to be found: in the crevice between the legs. 

In the male it is found behind the scrotum and in front of the 
anus. In the female it is found between the vagina and anus. 

It is almost always reddish in color, even if not active or aroused. 

If it is any other color, then health or emotional troubles are brewing. 

Here, it must be emphasized that this particular chakra has 
several important implications beyond the sexualizing ones. 

It is connected, by a thread-like whorling, up into the body inte- 
rior. At a certain point, this whorling thread than diverges to connect 
both to the spinal column and to the esophagus where the whorling 
then seems to disappear or merge into other energy networks. 

It is identically found in all human bodies from birth onward. If 
this chakra doesn’t exist at birth, the infant will not live. A type of this 
chakra is also found on most mammals. 

For lack of a better term, I’ll refer to it as the crotch chakra, 
since there are at least two other sex chakras. 

As everyone usually discovers, the crotch chakra is exceedingly 


253 


x ) v ^ 

9&A • 



responsive to any kind of manipulations, and responds to the rays ema- 
nating from the fingertips, if those rays are pink. 

It is especially responsive to licking by the tongue, which itself 
emits a kind of electrostatic aura which is densely and somewhat 
“damply” many-colored. 

The crotch chakra is also sensitive to sunlight, and many nude 
sun-bathers have discovered this. 


As in other mammals, licking of the crotch chakra especially 
will render a slightly hypnotic effect, while the eyes will float upward 
beneath the upper eye-lid. 


This particular chakra is accurately identified in some texts. 
Otherwise, it constitutes one of the most “forbidden zones" of the entire 
human body. For reasons of propriety, the location of this chakra is trans- 
lated up to the pubic mound. There is another chakra on the pubic 
mound, but its energies are apparently composed of something else as 
we will see. f 1 Yf 1 * C'f' 

THE ANAL CHAKRA Ct 

In actuality, all orifices of the bio-body are kinds of chakras. 
The crotch chakra is easily distinguishable from the anal chakra, which 
is usually seen as a transparent darker red color, and which itself will 
intensify by finger manipulation and licking. 

Indeed, a tittle-known researcher interested ill the responsive 
phenomena of licking has pointed up that among all the mammals, the 
human species is the only one which does not lick the anus, and in lact 
can not because of our up right standing anatomy. But in fact, the en- 
tire bio-psychic anatomy and all of the chakras will respond favorably 

to the tongue. ^lC|< *'vV\£- 

The anus chakra sometimes exhibits opaque colors, such as dark 
red, blue or dull black. These colors seem to indicate some kind of dis- 
ease of viruses, protozoa, bacteria, or parasites whose own energies cloud 
up the anal aura. 

DIFFERENCES BETWEEN MALE AND FEMALE 

SEXUALIZING CHAKRAS 

Beyond the crotch and anal chakras, the energy anatomy of the 


254 


male and female versions now begins to differ. 

MfctJ -fAk. of 

In males, the next sexualizing paraphernalia which seems im- 
portant is"1Tsmall chakra about an inch in dimension which is usually 
deep purple in color. 

It is found about half-way between the tail of the spine and the 
anus, this point being just inside the cleft between the buttocks. The 
skin covering at this point is very thin and fragile, and so rough treat- 
ment is not advised. 

When this chakra is lightly massaged or tongued, the male will 
usually undergo a definite hypnotic relaxation. But conversely, most of 
his other sexualizing energies will become aroused, and the male will 
be unable to resist other more strenuous sexual manipulations. 

The equivalent chakra to this is found in females not between 
the buttocks to the rear, but to the front just between the top of the 
vaginal cleft and the clitoris. It can be seen as being of deep purple, but 
more usually a dark liquid blue-green. 

Massaging or tonguing of this chakra will produce hypnotic and 
other effects similar to the male responses. However, the female may 
begin to undergo orgasmic “convulsions,” while the male usually does 
not. 

When male and female together are achieving coitus, there can 
be perceived electric-like, lavender-colored discharges taking place be- 
tween these two particular chakras. 

These discharges appear to increase the pumping strength of 
the male pelvis and thighs, and increase the orgasmic tension of the 
female pelvic area. These discharges also appear to tighten the muscles 
of the vaginal area, and increase the penetrating hardness of the penis. 

Beyond this, from these two chakras can now be seen passing 
between each other what can only be described as electrical discharges 
which fan out to incorporate the two bodies entire. 

These discharges are very pleasurable, not only galvanizing the 
entire bodies, but intercommunicating in such a way that a “melding” 
effect transpires, and the copulating couple feel like they have melted 
or merged into one. 

In the sexology literature, this is often referred to as the “ec- 
static union,” which it surely is. 



266 




I i 



The clairvoyant color of these discharges is usually brilliant pink, 
but also can be experienced as blinding white. 

Images or photographs of copulating couples produce stimula- 
tions of these two chakras in their viewers, and even some discharges 
from them, and which is a type of “erotic” ecstasy in its own right. 

And here we have our first hint of erotic objects, for a picture of 
a copulating couple is an inanimate object — but which none the less 
energetically stimulates both of these two vital chakras. As an aside 
here, many pre-modern societies “worshipped” images of copulation, 
and even kept them on altars in their bed chambers. I often wondered 
why. 

But as a result of clairvoyance, although I can’t prove it, the 
ecstatic discharges between these two chakras may have something to 
do with how the sperm and eggs “agree” to interact. In other words, 
there may be an “electrical” factor here. If the chakras are sluggish or 
damaged, an “electrical environment” may not build up and conception 
might not occur, or occur only with extreme difficulty. 

Erotic objects indeed help build up the "charges” in these two 

apparently vital chakras. 0 Ik) , 

In two cases in which I was asked to clairvoyantly examine two 
males, I espied that in both of them the purple chakras were “dead.” 

Both then admitted that even though they produced healthy 
spermatozoa, their wives had never conceived. They also admitted, with 
my prodding, that while they did ejaculate easily they did not seem to 
experience anything near what was described in the literature as “ec- 
static union.” All this for what it’s worth. 


a 


-/THE DELICATE CHAKRAS AT THE TIP.OF . 

The next of the sexualizing chakras in importance are found at 
the tip of the penis and at the tip of the clitoris. These are very tiny, to 


Ik 


e sure. 


In males, this tiny chakra is usually blood red and resembles a 
/ glowing ruby. In females it is usually deep green in color and resembles 
a glowing emerald. If highly energy sexualized, both emit gem-like rays 
and sparkles. 


ern 


That these two “gemstones” became, at least in many pre- mod- 
societies, associated with males and females can hardly be by chance. 


256 


i 




In size, these two chakras are about 1/16 of an inch in dmnm 
sion, and can easily be missed in clairvoyance. 

However, these two points are also deeply embraced by conmn 
trations of the networks earlier described, and they are part of the largin' 
neural, acupuncture, lymphatic, and other nets of the psychic organ 


ism. 






Entirely sensitive minute filaments of the major neural net 
works are especially and densely concentrated in the head of the penis 
and in the clitoris. Both, then, are very sensitive to pain, even of the 
most minute kind. 

However, when these two tiny chakras are energized or stimu- 
lated, they can increase in size to 2-4 inches, and emit beams which 
extend much further. 

In their excited state, the glans of the penis and the clitoris, 
otherwise exceedingly sensitive to pain, can now undergo very rough 
treatment, including hard biting and chewing, and all of which will 
now be experienced not as pain but as highest of ecstatic pleasures. 

V 0 ^ FEMALE BENm^BEAMS 

For all their small size, these two chakras exhibit^ome remark- 
able and potent activities. 

As these two chakras become increasingly excited, they can be 
seen to emit rays of their particular emerald or ruby light. These rays, 
however, now perform a most extraordinary wonder. For they can be 
seen to reach out, bend and twist, like snakes, and seek each other out. 


Having located each other they now entwine and, even more 
astonishingly, begin to shrink pulling the two bodies to each other, thus 
literally drawing penis to vagina. Since this activity has by now also 
resulted in the intertwining of arms and legs, it is usually not noticed. 

It is not too much to say that if and when these two twisting 
rays have located and entwined, the male and female become some- 
what mindless, their intellects go down, as well as their judgment, and 
some kind of copulation is almost surely to be the unavoidable result. 

In this, and from the examples I’ve clairvoyantly inspected, I 
believe the female beams are by far the strongest and most vivid In 
some cases, the size of the female bending beams is twice or more of 
those of the male. 


257 


K4J0 


In any event, these beams are quite awesome, for they can reach 
out at least across a room. 

If full intimacy does not take place, or if the entwining of the 
beams is broken, then there is almost immediately a “slump” of vital 
energies in both subjects, which often makes people very testy, and psy- 
chological scenes can now take p 
t i°n. \ 

In respect of this, I had always wondered why many pre-mod- 
ern societies were in favor of segregation of the sexes, especially while 
they were young. 

From this clairvoyant viewpoint, such segregating surely cut 
back on the importune occurrence of these kinds of intertwining — this 
also for what it’s worth. 

The male and female bending beams can pierce right though 
individuals who may chance to be standing in the way— with the result 
of some kind of sexual arousal, often much to their spontaneous sur- 
prise. 

The “strength” of these bending beams seems to begin weaken- 
ing after about the age of thirty, except in certain circumstances. 

Pre-menopausal females often exhibit a strong, final display of 
them, while older males can be temporarily rejuvenated by encounter- 
ing the bending emerald beams of young females. 

THE MINUTE SEXJJALIZING CHAKRAS OF THE THIGHS 

Wvi/v&z' AVv VW7 

Now, to move on to oth^rjof the sexualizing paraphernalia of 
the energy body we must turn our attention to the pelvic areas, and the 
inner sides of the thighs. 

No matter what complexities have arisen from the other two 
chakras, in the female, on the inner thighs closest to the vaginal areas, 
will be found a series or a pattern of small chakras clairvoyantly seen 
in the color of glowing white. 

A similar grouping of these, but usually red in color, will be 
found in the male. 

In the male, however, the collection of these chakras can en- 
circle the thighs to the outer side as well, and extend down to the calves. 
In some males these collections can ascend up to the hips, and involve 


ace without much further provoca- 


VvaoM 


258 




Mt UIIIK IV f J ) 




at least some parts of the buttocks, usually the lower “cheeks.” 

Males are usually sensitive to having their thighs and butts 
touched, while female versions often will keep their legs together, in 
both cases until a suitable partner has been espied. 

These areas are exceedingly sensitive to the rays from finger- 
tips, and often to tongue licking as might be expected. 

In both male and female, these arrays of minuscule chakras 
literally produce heat, and what verges on a slight hypnotic state. Even 
if an undesirable or importune intruder manages to slip a hand into or 
onto these collections of chakras, the intruder might expect to soon pro- 
ceed in other regards. 

Conventional sexologists have indeed identified these areas as 
important “erogenous zones.” 

The collections of tiny chakras indicate areas of increased sen- 
sitivity, and usually protrude about a quarter of an inch above the skin 
surface. 

Practically anyone can locate these by hand if they gently move 
their fingers a fraction of an inch above the skin and focus on the in- 
crease or decrease of “sensation.” 

Even more arrays of these “sensate” chakras are found all over 
the genitals, but an especially intense collection of them can be found 
on the pubic mound, as most people realize without being clairvoyant. 


At the pubic mound, however, the collection tends to emit rays 
which can extend to as much as three inches to a foot when unexcited, 
but to even greater extent when excited. 

Even male and female versions who have not had their clair- 
voyance reawakened can instantly spot any untoward motion in the 
vicinity of their public mounds even when not looking down in that 
direction. It is this collection of tiny chakras which I believe is often 

mistaken for a pranic one. However, these are not in-take chakras, Inil 
out-flowing ones. 

Male and female versions will also notice anyone LOOKINt 1 at 
ilmir pubic mounds hidden beneath clothes, even from across a great 
distance. 

There can be no doubt at nil that the bio-psychic sensorium 


2511 


t\c D ^ 1 v >. 



even if only subconsciously so, immediately can detect and identify the 
meanings and intents of such looks. 

This seems to be because, as the ancient Greeks said, the eyes 
produce beams, and the beams seem to carry “information.” These eye 
beams, though, are virtually transparent even to highly achieved clair- 
voyants. But if they are magnified via micro-clairvoyance, they can be 
seen as streams of very minute, fast-moving “particles." 

The particles are usually, but not always, greenish in color — 
and move within what can be called a lavender or purplish “tube" and 
which can bend as a lot of rays and beams can do. 


, SEXUALIZING FUNCTIONS OF OTHER ORGANS 

KHPtUS uPS CncS . 

' Collections of the tiny white chakras can also be found associ- 

ated with all of the body orifices, the nipples, belly-button, inside the 
arms and armpits, on the scalp, and the ears. 

All of these have been identified by conventional sexologists as 
erogenous zones. But what appear to be especially highly refined collec- 
tions of them can be found on and around the lips, the ears, and the 
nipples — especially the nipples of female versions and the nipples of 
many, but not all, male versions, 

Many male versions, however, have bands of them encircling 
the biceps and sometimes even the forearms, and also aligned on the 
pectorals and sometimes over the shoulders and onto the back. 

Many female versions have similar bands or bracelets of them around 
their ankles and wrists, and almost always on the shoulder and the 


backs of their necks. 




In most cases, both the female and male version have special- 
ized tiny chakras, usually glowing red in the palms of their hands. 

Thus, when the pink rays from the fingertips and the collec- 
tions of sexualizing chakras in the palms, stroke an area laden with 
similar sexualizing chakras, not only are sexualizing energies exchanged, 
but other kind of energy as well. p VO 

Seen with micro-clairvoyance, this resembles two sheets of elec- 
trified copper separated only by a small distance, at which time a profu- 
sion of electrical discharges occur between the two plates. 

In the case of the erogenous chakras, however, which are usu- 
ally glowing white (and hence easy to see clairvoyantly), the sexualiz- 
ing discharges are a delicious purple in color, more towards the ma- 


260 


genta. 


It has been observed for a very long time that the mouth and 
lips are the chief erotic, hence sexualizing, organs. In fact, some lips 
can make others quite “wild," and poems and songs have been written 
to this effect. 

In these cases are to be found a series of chakras inhabiting the 
lips, usually five in number on the upper lip, and one in the center of 
the bottom lip. 

In some examples of occult art, these are often pictured as tiny 
live-pointed stars, presumably because others have seen them radiate 
as stars are perceived to do. They are usually seen ranging from light 
pink to deep red in color. They tend to “attract" other energy bodies 
because they glitter. They also can extend rays and beams. 

The frequency of these lip chakras, however, is not very demo- 
cratically spread throughout the species. 

Some male and female versions do not appear to have them as 
sexualizing paraphernalia at least in an awakened state — while pink- 
to-red lipsticks cannot make up for the lack of them. 

But I’ve clairvoyantly seen them suddenly appear and “come 
alive" in male and female versions seemingly at first bereft of them. 

That these chakras do exist, at least in some people, is clear 
enough from Kirlian photographs of lips I’ve seen. 

When the chakras are indeed present, they can definitely be 
seen on the Kirlian plates as small points of white light on black-and- 
white film, and as pink to red points surrounded by blue lights on color 
sensitive film. 

Male and female versions possessing these six lip chakras usu- 
ally adore kissing, and will kiss just about anything and everything. In 
today 8 developing lore, they are often referred to as “mouth freaks" by 
those who are bereft of these wonderful chakras. 

SEXUALIZING ASPECTS OF HAIR FOLLICLES 

AND THE PORES 

It has recently been discovered that the hair follicles and port'* 
possess an absolutely astonishing array of sensors. Their purposes, I hen, 
are not just to grow hair and produce sweat. 




2(11 


Among other sensing, for example, these can respond to subtle 
magnetic changes, as well as magnetic directions. And they can iden- 
tify chemical odors the nose cannot, or at least usually does not. 

Seated in their follicles, the hairs act as antennae, entirely sen- 
sitive to “vibrations” of all kinds. The pores emit small rays of light 
which are likewise sensitive and thus serve as antennae, too. 

However, the hair follicle systems seem to be independent of, or 
at least different from, the white chakras of the erogenous zones, while 
at the same time being energetically connected. 

The hair antennas WILL detect energies invisible to the eye 
mechanisms and brain, and will introduce into the subconsciousness 
appropriate images (and conclusions) therein. 

The hair and pore antennae seem to be sensitive to thought- 
forms, and apparently can detect their nature or motives. 

Thus, when a male or female is being scanned for sexualizing 
purposes, the hair antennae will respond, inform the follicles, at which 
time the whole sensorium will become attentive, often with the result 
of goosebumps or hair standing on end. 

The same is true if one enters an environment especially de- 
signed for sexualizing encounters, or perhaps not even designed for them. 

Seen with micro-clairvoyance, each hair is extended often to 
about a foot beyond its tip, by a needle-thin ray of intense blue light — 
but which ray is bendable. 

Even if the physical hair part is laying down horizontally to 
the skin, the ray part will form a right angle to the skin. When some- 
thing tremendous energizes the sensorium, the hairs themselves will 
stand up and out from the skin. 

These blue rays, in their great profusion, are often thought to 
comprise the general electrostatic field around the human body which 
is now known to exist because it has been photographed. These rays are 
extraordinarily magnetic in nature, and can attract or repel just like 
magnets do. 

ATTRACTING AND REPELLING SEXUALIZING ENERGIES 

It is well known that the north pole of one magnet (the “nega- 
tive” pole) and the south pole (the “positive” pole) of another magnet 


262 




ftTVPfterv tJ 


■ 


will adhere to each other in the flick of an eye. 

The functions of the hairs and their follicles are similar regard 
ing attraction, repulsion, and adhering. 

The blue-ray extensions of hairs are incredibly sensitive to what 
either attracts or repels them. 

But when they sense an attraction, they immediately throw out 
what, for lack of better descriptive words, is like the filaments of a 
spider’s web. The filaments are usually deep blue in color. 

Since this web is made of some kind of plastic-like energy, it can 
be flung out to a considerable distance, and will settle over the source of 
the attraction and adhere to it. 

r Thereafter it will either pull the source of the attraction, or will 

actually pull the individual person to that source. If the source is not 
considered attractive, the hairs will ignore it. 

The secret here, even difficult to clairvoyant estimations, seems 
to be the instantaneous recognition by the whole sensorium of some 
kind of compatible energies, which altogether are experienced as “thrill- 
ing.” Whether these consist of animate or inanimate matter doesn’t seem 

tomatter^^C^S 5^/VStfOUfA 

l These nets clearly nave purposes besides sexualizing ones. But 

ns a first level o f whole sensoriu jnjysponsfi^hey are likely to kick off 
cascades of sexualizing and eroticrepercussions which arouse at least 
oxpectancy in all of the other sexualizing paraphernalia. 

However, if the hair is too long, or shaved off, this net-throwing 
function seems to suffer, while shorter clipped hair seems to aid in the 
function. 

This seems to have to do with the fact that the hairs need to 
grow new tips— and no one has ever been able to tell me how a hair 
knows what its proper length is and how it decides to grow back to it. 

Hairs rejuvenate and recreate themselves— this, it would seem, 
being the only complete replacement function of the entire human body. 

In this sense, the natural shorter hairs on arms, legs, and tor- 
sos seem most desirable, and this includes the pubic hairs. 

F 5w\J » to er — ; ^ 

The beard follicles in male versions are especially sensitive* jin 
sexualizing agencies and, from the clairvoyant view, shaving pf thorn 
often 8 appears to be a source of sexualizing energy mismanagement 

In any event, male and female versions can produce the udhor 
ing nets. Female versions don’t particularly need this type of net, a I 


2<t;t 


though mont females can and do produce it. Ah we shall soon flee, female 
versions have OTHER quite impressive energy faculties along this line. 

Considering all of the above, it is then not unusual that human 
bio-psychic organisms are sensitive to sexualizing influences, even if 
they are substandard when it comes to clairvoyance. 

Everyone can demonstrate the above for themselves by care- 
fully and calmly passing their fingers close to, but not physically touch- 
ing, all or any of the areas defined. 

The rays emanating from the fingertips will minutely excite 
the basic paraphernalia which have now been discussed. One may have 
to practice a little, and refine the focus of sensation. That one has prob- 
ably already located all, or most, of one’s own erotic zones can be taken 
for granted. 

If you then permit your mind to construct the relevant images, 
you will soon obtain some kind of mental image pictures regarding those 
energy factors. 


Chapter 25 


SOME ANATOMY OF SEXUALIZING 
ENERGY REGALIA 


The concepts of sexualizing paraphernalia and regalia have been 
established for the purposes of the book, and so they are unfamiliar. 
But there are numerous kinds of vital energies, and in order to increase 
understanding of them it seems necessary to categorize their differ- 
ences in some descriptive manner. 

The apparent basic function of the sexualizing paraphernalia 
seems to consist of flowing and circulating energies within the human 
organism. The traditional Asian metaphor for this has to do with 
“breath” — breathing the energies in and out. 

In rather dramatic contrast, the apparent basic functions of the 
sexualizing regalia have to do with arousal, the Asian metaphor being 
“awakening”— flowering or activating into ecstatic life and existence. 

The two differences indicate two different kinds of states of the 
sexualizing energies: a more or less natural state, and an aroused or 
awakened state. 

Another distinctive difference is that most of the paraphernalia 
can be seen clairvoyantly with regard to everyone except when declines 
in health and well-being are present. 

But the regalia make an appearance, or become visible, only 
with respect to arousal or awakening. 

Thus, they can clairvoyantly be perceived only upon the occa- 
sions of the arousal state. Where or how the regalia exist otherwise is a 
complete mystery to me, since they seem to come out of nowhere and 
return to the same. 

The differences just described are, of course, qualitative ones, 
but with the proviso that they are MOSTLY qualitative in that they 
also have some kind of substantive existence that makes impacts on 
the sensibilities of others. 

Even without an excessive amount of clairvoyance, almost ev- 
eryone can detect and acknowledge the presence of a sexually aroused 


264 


265 


individual, 

as “hot," "ready,” "£ray ^ 8e ^*'??“? 18 are c °mmonly referred to 

mumcating this in some kind of way ThLT ^ fie,ds "* «>m- 

k nd ° f formation is involved and th‘ ^ ° n y mean tb at some 
regarding the sexuali 2 i ng reg ^ ^ 38peCt is ^remely un porta m 

information-carrying energies 

length T ergi6S are “5*^ pwe ^ ^ 10 COnsider 

the contexts *— — fully in 

jes are carriers of different kfnds of inf 6 that differ «nt ener- 

well understood within the scone of t^ at, ° n - This is *» fact quite 
now very important 

sciences and the 

"SZZTZ7 tha * re8 “* 

SS^^SSSSSSSi 

•omethirig -* -« but 

include tf Cr0m the ab °ve, »hat is one to 

rom one energetic aura to another ? 3 be3m or ^Jumping 
information purpose involved. H ' S ly here must b e some kind of 

'’••am is information That the 

" ,natter of ih tcnt, or intention ^ 18 WOU,d a PP e «r to fnvolve 


266 



I This is to say that if the information-intent of the beam is sex mi), 

llii'h sexual information would he delivered, received, exchanged, sense 
emphasized, or sense- modulated. 

1 Hut the same kind of beam might have other kinds of informa- 

1 i >M qualities as well. 

p F° r example, a sexualizing beam might also carry information 

qualities having to do with love, hate, an entire spectrum of emotions. 
Indeed, all these qualities are typical of the many confusions that go 
along with sexualizing phenomena. 


K The general point being made here is that energetic phenom- 

ena of the auras are also information-carrying phenomena— and that 
the shift, say, from sexualizing to creative-izing affects is but a shift in 
information-emphasis or information-modulating. 


f THE PLASTIC-ENERGY CHARACTERISTICS OF 

THE SEXUALIZING REGALIA 

In the foregoing chapter, we have seen that most of the ener- 
getic phenomena were local to certain parts of the body. However, some 
of the rays associated with the aura energy field could extend quite far 
out, and some of them could undulate and bend. 

We also saw that there are several dimensions and purposes 
within the sexualizing auras themselves. So, the sexualizing parapher- 
nalia discussed in the last chapter is just one of the functional dimen- 
sions. 

There is another sexualizing dimension having to do with what 
I’ve termed the sexualizing REGALIA — and which is clairvoyantly seen 
only if and when the sexualizing paraphernalia have become active and 
aroused. If they are not active, then they can’t be seen clairvoyantly. 

But even if active, and if the clairvoyant thresholds are not suf- 
ficient to perceive them, the effects of the aroused regalia are easily 
sensed far and wide. Indeed, all things considered, there is nothing like 
a regalia aroused male or female. 

PLASTIC ENERGIES 

In order to provide a very important background, we need bric?fiy 



267 


r horny 

si? r- " sssr ' - 

SS?SS5S»: 

srsSEF^ 

=SSSS^sS= 

-^su*** -*- *”:g::^ 

th * a^,^™ k ^ ^1# - 

STIMULUS ENERGIES 

+***» -« - 

S!o^sP ; ^ -Xtetrr' or c,inica ' 

■ In ths * -“-ie e ; t “ r? h c,r 6 r 

HORNYNESS energies 

S?==SHs=.5 


268 




I 


1\ ^ * ’ J I ' 

■ In about 1889, it waa finally uccoptod, in illegitimate Knglmli, 

ih moaning sexually excited und lecherous. However, it is a very nn- 
> lent concept. Long before the rather deadening term PENIS was con 
(Wpfcualized, the erect membrum virile wus referred to as a horn and 
low were ignorant of what that meant. 

I One of the points being made here is that it is somewhat ridicu- 

lous to think that the physical atoms and chemicals of the physical body, 
Inorganic and inert as they are, can produce, by themselves, the effect 

of hornyness. 

K Indeed, if the formative modern philosophies and sciences of 

materialism had been forced to deal with this particular issue, then it 
in doubtful that materialism would have gained such a trenchant foot- 
hold. 

I Indeed, it is rather difficult to see how or why matter itself would 

or could become horny. /O- V/ 1 

. . (l 4 t Jfr\ 

m As it is, hornyness is not only an energetic phenomenon, but an 
AROUSED energetic one. The state of horny is also quite infamous for 
being non-volitional— with such a mind of its own that even the stron- 
gest formats of WILL have a tough time dealing with it. 

I Seen clairvoyantly, the energetic state of horny can be perceived 

as an outrageous display of beams, threads, and rays thrusting out- 
ward-more or less undulating, extending so as to seek out or stimu- 
late horny states in others, clearly with the intention of melding with 
them, at least in temporary ways. 

ENERGETIC MELDINGS 

Hornyness is often described as a “hunger” or a “starvation”— 
in that having sex per se, even having it repetitively, often does not 
fulfill that hunger. Thus, it could be concluded that something else is 
involved. 


Something along these lines becomes clear when it can be seen 
that horny female versions often will not select horny male versions 
What appears to alleviate or fulfill hornyness are complete on 
ergy-body meldings of particular kinds. Although sexual activity ih of 
ten one of the outcomes, the melding seems to have deeper implicit 
tions. 


269 


C «1 •wxuhI activity nfth^* n i! >e achieved WITHOUT si.h 

- as .sxrrr ~ ™ 

*— SsBss* 

g^dor blZnZ re\orny y t ty b eS ^ h0rnyne88 

“r attraction matter,. MPl ‘ C “ ly p ™“™ *he term horn^tr 

bi ° ^. " mere,y “ ith *<* aanitals of the C^ 

r ““£f^:z£ | 


f* 

y n 


) iaA oiOk, 


™? NG regalia of the 
biological female version 


| S=fSsS=s 


A 


270 


■. This preparatory illuminutinu might last for about two day*, 
hIi.o which "winKs” begin sprouting upward from the breast*, ahoul 
d>'i». and upper back. These now begin to take on a slightly undulat ing, 
liglit bluish hue which is transparent, but somewhat “veined" us in but- 
terfly wings. 

k Shortly thereafter, the wings begin cascading energies upward, 

often turning slightly golden at the tops of these undulating "fountains." 

I’m almost embarrassed to say it because it’s almost too incred- 
lid e- but these fountains of upward-moving light can extend up to 
twenty feet above the female’s shoulders. 

That these sexualizing energy phenomena should be called 
It KG ALIA is now perfectly understandable. 

At this point in the developing phenomena, the fountains spread 
out and begin to emit points of light, which are always scintillating 
white, and which begin drifting downward — somewhat like sparkling 

dew. 

Meanwhile, the breasts have become increasingly sensate, al- 
most to a state of “Painful thrill,” something akin to pink “rose blos- 
som” auras have developed with the nipples at their centers, and which 
by now are at least somewhat blood engorged. 

Further down, the red chakra in the crotch has expanded con- 
siderably and can ultimately envelop the entire pelvic area. Also the 
small green chakra just above the clitoris has begun emitting a bright 
yellowish green ray or beam, which is bendable and projectable, and 
which “snakes" out frontward as if trying to locate a “contact.” 

Meanwhile, the collections of the tiny white chakras compris- 
ing the erogenous zones have increased in luminosity, and thus in erotic 
sensitivity. The female may now rub just about anywhere and experi- 
ence various kinds of ecstasy. 

But now an even more amazing phenomenon occurs. From the 
pores of the skin begin to emerge microscopic (as seen via micro-clair- 
voyance) liquid-like GLOBULES of white-light energy. 

These emerge from most pores in a stream at about five sec- 
onds apart, in so far as I’ve been able to time them with a stopwatch. 

But there are thousands of pores on the skin, and so if micro- 



clairvoyant-* ia not employed the whole of these floating globules will 
appear as a field or mist of white light. 

Along with these liquid-like globules, a peculiar odor or fragrance 

ImiHk^nnd “damp 8 ” 0 ^ 611 physicalIy tanglble - To nose it is slightly 

This fragrance appears to be easily identifiable to male versions 

^he W n a d n ?h:^ "r ar ' ^ Versi ° ns wi " notice il 100 and “m 
prt hand that the female has gone into heat.” The fragrance is effec 

t.ve a least across a diameter of 30 feet, depending on air movements 
and directions. It will easily fill an average room. 

The sparking bits of light drifting downward and the globules 
emanating widely now fall on everything within the proximity. Most 
male versions who wander into the perimeter now don’t stand a chance. 

.. ? W \ eth “ y° un f? or mature, fat. thin, or otherwise, the female 
now suited out in this astonishing and exceedingly beautiful and in- 
toiiNoly sexualizing regalia-well, most males will find themselves “dis- 

l "bed, even though the uninitiated among them might not have a 
viNible clue as to why. 

.. >PP»r that OTHER Witive" female vereione know 

I , u h t u akin f place ’ es P ec,al *y married ones who might hasten 

boyfriends^ hUSbands and even their 80ns awa y. and certainly their 

r. i .i, N ° ne thC leSS ' m ° St male versions ' apparently of any age, will 
, he m< r ans to get nearer the female version— and which version 
only t0 8elect from among the many who are presenting them- 

However, in astonishing surprise to clairvoyant seeing, the fe- 
""■lo version now becomes remarkably selective. The greenish snaking 
N.v or beam energetically extending outward from just above the clito 
ns will be seen plunging INTO the bodies of the male versions. 

this bending beam doesn’t like what it “sees,” it is quickly 
w ".drawn and plunges into another male version. The whole of this 
inkea place n an instant, so fast that I’ve not developed micro-clairvoy- 

“ J ", Hl,ffic »ently speedy accuracy to perceive what happens at this 

point. 

However, the moment of the plunging and the withdrawing suf- 


272 






ISJ 

ft.*a 10 leave the targeted male versions K.,.newhi.t Umiporaril y 
| pupils of their eyes will widen, however bright the light is other 

* P Usually they have to grab hold of something long enough to re- 

i uvpr semblance of composure. 

I When, and if, the undulating green beam seems to find what it 

Ii Miking for, it then proceeds to wrap its flagellating end m ' “j 
ll„i, N around the testicles of the selectee, also interpenetrating the 

, linkra between the scrotum and rectum. 

■ The snaking beam now contracts along its entire length, and 
l be male version involuntarily moves very close to the female veraom 
The pores of the male version will now begin to emit an oily 
nubstance,” usually in the color of liquid, dark yellow amber. He • may 
also begin to sweat more than usual and his tongue and throat w.U 

I become dry. 

[ However, I’ve seen female versions “reject" all the males in the 
perimeter after which the female version shortly leaves apparently to 

pursue other locales. . . 

F If a selection has taken place, few social or moral issues now 

apply, and ways and means will be devised about how to get around 

thCm ' Almost assuredly the anticipated full intimacies will take place 
even if in the nearest closet, bathroom, or parked car— or, in more per- 
missive environment, right in front of everyone else. 

The selected male version will be rendered rather witless, ex- 
cept under the most extraordinary circumstance. Clairvoyantly seen, 
even without micro-clairv^ance. the reasons areperfectly obvious. 

I A A )M 

I The moment the male version’s balls are under grapple, except- 

ing the greenish “snake,” the female version instantly ceases producing 
all of the regalia above discussed, like a switch has been thrown. 

' Now from the top of her skull rise up a whole flock of the most 

amazing limpid, liquid green rays. These are entirely extendible and 
bendable, and they reach out and wrap the entire body of the selected 

male version in them. 

Likewise, apparently to make sure of matters, the twe .rose- 
blossom auras of the nipples now produce equ^^ten^ble beams 
which, with strong magnetic force, wrap around the torso of the se 

lected male version. 


273 






W'T^5i> 


Indeed, as soon as the couple are in a suitable place to com- 
mence the physical part of all of this, the male version almost invari- 
ably will rip off the upper garments of the female version and with 
mouth will “go for” for the rose-flower auras of the nipples. 

The clairvoyantly-seen green-rayed regalia headdress of the fe- 
male version is entirely compatible with the “myth” of Medusa and the 
crown of “snakes” growing out of this terrible goddesses head. Medusa 
turns males to stone, which is about the same as saying turning them 
senseless. 

In conventional sexology terms, the whole of what has been de- 
scribed above is referred to as the “seduction of males by females,” or 
the female conquest.” This, it would seem, is somewhat of an under- 
statement. 

Fortunately, the energy bodies of a goodly number of female 
versions are not entirely proficient in manifesting the full regalia. Even 
so, if they are proficient, even two of them in one room or at a cocktail 
party can arouse considerable consternation and wreck the otherwise 
peaceful acti^tiesof others in the near vicinity. ~ A , 


[hWiT- 

have been “probed’ and rejected will 


Additionally, males that have been “probed” and rejected wifi 
thereafter often “pine away” for a long time, so indelibly has the prob- 
ing been recorded in their sensoriums. I’ve not yet seen a male version 
who is completely immune to all of this. 

SEXUALIZING REGALIA OF THE 
BIOLOGICAL MALE VERSION 

The full display of the male sexualizing regalia is equally as- 
tonishing, but in a number of different ways. In this case, the prelude to 
the horny epoch is begun when the red chakra between the scrotum 
and anus begins to expand. 

Shortly it will begin forming a plastic shape that encompasses 
the genitals. In color, this plastic shape is always pink or pinkish red. 
In males of advancing age, it might be red or darker red. 

This plastic shape then commences to protrude directly in front 
ol the genitals like a pseudopodia. It is, in thickness, usually about six 
inches in diameter. 

I he idea that this is an energetic “hard on” is entirely appropri- 


274 


t 


ate. But the subsequent dimensions of this hard-on soon clearly ap 
proach the incredible. 

If the hornyness is not quickly taken care of, as it usually and 
easily can be either directly by auto-release or by the availability of 
willing females or by paying dollars, then the rest of the regalia can 
manifest. 

One of the first energetic phenomena which then manifests is 
that from the red crotch chakra will emerge a “tube” of whirling red 
energy about six or more inches in diameter. 

Micro-clairvoyance reveals that this tube forms layers, some of 
which rotate clockwise and others rotate anti-clockwise. I’ve never un- 
derstood the functions of these rotations. 

Soon, the red tube will gradually snake up through the intes- 
tines, abdomen, lungs, throat, and brains, and eventually emerge out of 
the top of the skull. After this, the whirling beam will “grow” upward to 
about twenty to forty feet. 

At a certain point, somewhat horizontally, it will develop “spikes” 
with curved hooks at their ends. These spikes, however, are rays or 
beams which are plastic. The symbolic equivalent of these phenomena 
are red plumes or feathers seen worn on helmets by male versions in 
many pre-modern societies. 

The energy bodies of female versions can spot this red column 
and spikes from a great distance. Indeed, any clairvoyant can also, es- 
pecially when examples of them could be seen walking in the street in 
front of my building’s stoop. 

If by now the hornyness has not been taken care of, the pink 
light, bulging pseudopodia in the genital area begins extending itself in 
a rubber-like manner, but none the less held horizontally to the ground 
or floor. 

If we can consider anything “normal" in all of this, then it might 
first extend directly outward to the front by about six to eight feet. 

But I’ve clairvoyantly seen much more extensive examples, t la* 
longest being (take a deep breath) about 200 feet — which was noticed 
by a female clairvoyant friend of mine near Sheridan Square in Now 
York City before I had noticed it. “Jesus Christ,” said she, “would you 
look at that one!” 


275 



Any other bio-version, whether male or female, who chances to 

contact this beam, for example by inadvertently walking th ™ u & h £ 
will now become “disturbed” (e.g.. stimulated), which seems to be the 
purpose here. In male versions, even chance contact with this beam 
will tend to arouse non-volitional hornyness in them. 

Again, much now depends on whether the hornyness has been 

taken care of. If it has not, some male versions will n°w P r ^ eed ^ 
manifest "full-blown” sexualizing regalia. Perpetual masturbators, h 

ever, seldom do. 

First off, the usual blue-white rays from the nails and finger- 
tips will now take on the color of blood red and extend themselves up to 

as mUch T a h S e ^ r ® r e e f ^- te “strong” rays, and the physical hands increase 
in gripping strength. In this state, the horny male version will occa- 
sionally be seen crunching his genitals through his clothes. 

If a male version in this state manages to touch a female ver- 
sion a sort of hypnosis might ensue and her collections of tiny white 
chakras denoting the erogenous zones dependably flare up. Strange y; 
however, they quickly seek escap^and so it would appear that the 
purpose of the male sexualizing regalia is not particularly to attract 

females. 

If all of this regalia has not resulted in some kind of “success, 
the small purple chakra in the ass cleft enlarges considerably and shortly 
will begin to emit occasional bursts of purple or lavender “lightening. 

These streak away outward to who knows where disappearing 
into invisibility, but in doing so they streak right through the physical- 

and energy-bodies of others. M 

Clairvoyantly seen, they disappear very quickly. But a serious- 

ness” has now begun to pervade. At this point, most 

relief from just about any source, and certainly by now usually do it to 

themselves. 

More stalwart males, however, commence to develop the rest of 
these already amazing regalia. Long fluctuating “feathers, again red 
in color, about three feet in length, will now develop at the ^crown of Ue 
head. The “column” mentioned earlier grows more brilliant and its spikes 

( vt.n lon 8^ al c , airvoyance m ight perceive all of this as an extending 


red field above the head. But with micro-clairvoyance, the “feathers" 
are seen, and from their tips shower down the equivalent of the while 
sparklers of the full blown female versions. 

NOW! COILS of pink-red energy, about four inches in diameter, 
develop from the soles of the feet and twist upward around the calves, 
knees and thighs, and often involve even the buttocks and the lower- 
lasts of the belly and chest. 

Similar coils, but only at about one to two inch in diameter, also 
emerge from the palms of the hands, twist around and upward involv 
ing the forearms, biceps, triceps, and shoulder muscles. The neck muscles 
seem to enlarge a little, but from within. 

The symbolic equivalent of these coils are traditionally placed 
around the legs and arms of the Mercury archetype, as has already 
been mentioned. 

Since I’ve never seen these vibrant energy coils regarding fe- 
male versions, they appear to be unique to the male versions, especially 
regarding younger ones. 

However, knowing clairvoyance to the degree I have experienced 
it, there is always a first time regarding anything and everything. 

The appearance of these coils apparently means business if only 
in that they apparently impart considerable increases in strength. 

I’ve also seen them appear in angry male versions, or in those 
preparing for some kind of physical fight combat. They sometimes ap 
pear in pumped up prize fighters and long-distance runners, etc. Their 
appearance also reduces the pain thresholds. Often the strength im 
parted is “superhuman.” 

These coils also result in hypnotic increases of ecstasy by any 
one finding themselves embraced within them. They often product* a 
fragrance akin to that of ozone. 

These coils mean serious business. Unless females or males are 
prepared to quickly follow through on the whole thing, I’d advise them 
not to tease, flirt, or taunt a coil-laden male version. Such males am 
now rather delicately balanced, and other males should not try to piny 
grab-ass. 


If this intensified sexualizing situation has NOT YKT been taken 
c are of, the buttocks will become engulfed in red light, and shorlly a 
“flame” or fire will rise up along the spine. This is akin lo, but seems 


277 



NOT to be, the Kundalini thing. 

Male versions so affected will literally feel “hot,” if they haven t 
already. In some cases, “spiky” flowers in a variety of colors will develop 
around the pectoral nipples. 

Naturally, also by now all the collections of white chakras of the 
erogenous zones will have increased in luminescence, and the male ver- 
sion now appears encased in a rather gorgeous red and white luster. 

This glows like polished red-silver armor. 

Indeed, many artistic illustrations of bygone centuries illustrate 
the fully empowered male in a suit of shining white and red armor. 

Finally, as in the case of the female, the pores of the skin will 
begin emitting minute liquid-like globules, but these are again reddish 
in color, and they sparkle. These, too, emit a fragrance detectable to 
sensitive noses. Its odor it slightly acidic, something like fresh semen. 

Strangely through all of this, while the male version suffered 
frequently from penile erections at the outset of the horny cycle, as the 
regalia develops into its full-blown magnificence, that organ tends to 
remain flaccid. The unrequited (as its often said) male version now tends 
to become somewhat zombie-like in spite of the regalia finery. 

Also, or at least within my observing experience, female ver- 
sions in their full sexualizing regalia don’t seem to respond very well to 
the male versions fully outfitted in their regalia. If this is true, the 
sexualizing regalias can’t be said to refer only to the processes of pro- 

creation. 

Although I made lengthy attempts over time, and in many dif- 
ferent kinds of circumstances, I saw no instance where any energy func- 
tion of the male versions probe female versions. “Selection,” therefore, 
seems to be left to the female versions— whereas a male version fully 
outfitted in its beautiful, but somewhat Martial regalia will (as it is 
often uncharitably said) take on anything that moves or has a hole in it. 


278 



Chapter 26 

SOME SEXUALIZING ENERGIES OF 
BIO-PSYCHIC CHANGELINGS 


Seen clairvoyantly, the feminine and masculine sexualizing en- 
ergy forms have enough distinctions to classify them as such. But it 
must be recalled that the aura energy field IS an entangled manifesta- 
tion of a complexity that is plastic and changeable and thus always in 
some kind of fluidic and/or electric-like motion, 
j To this now must be added the concept that the entangled mani- 

festation apparently plays by its OWN ENTANGLED RULES, and which 
cannot at all be identified or even approximated strictly in accord with 
physical ity. 

This chapter addresses the fact that the sexualizing energies of 
biological females and males sometimes completely, partially, or tempo- 
rarily exhibit each others energetic manifestations, especially with re- 
gard to the sexualizing regalia. 

This, of course, brings confusions into the nature of the sexes ns 
they are biologically downloaded. 

But it is also reflective of the rich world wide traditions dating 
from antiquity having to do with the bio-psychic energies peculiar to 
the androgyne and the so-called hermaphrodite. 

The modernist West is abysmally and stubbornly deficient of 
knowledge in this regard. And so there is no easy point of entrance into 
the tremendous real issues involved. So I’ll just review a few significant 
contexts, and then get on with the energetic phenomena apparently 
involved. 


THE ANDROGYNE 

Information sources on the androgyne are found world wide, 
but the most accessible of them download from ancient China, India, 
Greece, and Egypt. 

In those sources, the androgyne is referred to not as a double 
hexed biological entity, but as a state of consciousness where the mind 
soars above forms of all kinds. 




Since the concepts of the sexes refer to forms, whether physical, 
mental, or energetic, the soaring must eventually range above, bypass, 
or depart from the sexual divisions. 

This, of course, refers to a metaphysical psychic level of exist- 
ence characterized by “free” formless energy BEFORE it downloads into 
the “form of existence.” 

In this sense, the androgyne is the metaphor for the level of 
non- manifested being, and which, at the same time, is the source of any 
subsequent manifestations into any kind of form, whether energetic, 
psychic, mental, or physical. 

In ancient Hindu metaphysics, the duality of the male and fe- 
male polarities of the sexes (represented by Shiva and Sakti) meld into 
each other in the androgyne state to become the Unity of being-con- 
sciousness senior to any manifestation of sexual duality. 

But, figuratively speaking, the Unity can morphologically be 
represented as a double-sexed figure. For example, several such arti- 
facts of Dionysus found in Greece represent both a man and a woman, 
sometimes referred to as the Erect, the Hybrid, the Man Woman Unity. 

Such artistic attempts did not serve to portray a physical double- 
sexed figure, but the combination of the dual energies toward their unity 
that lifts the “mind” above the two sexual distinctions (and all their 
attendant problems.) 

But one of the implications of the portrayals was that sexualiz- 
ing energies COULD exist in combination with each other in order to 
meld and become a unity containing both. 

The above is a rather brief review of the essence of the androgyne. 
But it is sufficient to establish the androgyne as the archetype of sexual - 
energy combining and ultimate transcendence of the combining into 
the ecstatic unity of a state of consciousness unfettered by the mani- 
fested boundaries of sexual formats and desires relevant to them. 

ARCHETYPE 

The term ARCHETYPE denotes “the original pattern or model 
of which all things of the same type are representations or copies.” 

The concept of the archetypes of the collective unconscious was 
energetically elaborated at awesome length by the famous psychoana- 
lyst, Carl Gustav Jung (1875-1961). 


280 


Jungian psychology is based on psychic totality and psychic 
energism, i.e., that psychic “stuff’ of the unconscious is not merely jus! 
existing, but that it has dynamic force and activity. 

Jung postulated two dimensions in the unconscious: the per 
sonal, based on repressed events and experiences, and the archetypes 
of a collective unconscious, a dimension shared by every member of our 
species in a universal group mind kind of way. 

There are all sorts of ramifications regarding the nature of the 
collective unconscious. But Jung’s use of the archetypes hinged on the 
concept that the shared collective unconscious was “inhabited” by spe- 
cific forms of psychic energy forms each having special dynamic activ- 
ity. These energetic forms constituted original, or basic, patterns in the 
collective unconscious of our species, copies of which arose in individu- 
als. 

In pursuit of identifying these original patterns, Jung enumer- 
ated and described a great number of them. 

He and others after him showed that a very large number of the 
archetypes have similarly arisen as “themes” in almost all cultures, 
and that a rather large part of human activity is played out, or enacted, 
in keeping with the archetypal themes. 

For example, the archetype of the Wise Man is recognized ev- 
erywhere, as are the archetypes of the Earth Mother, the Joker or Trick- 
ster, and the search for enlightenment, portrayed as a Cup or Chalice 
brimming full with Precious Liquid or Light. 

THE THREE MAJOR SEXUALIZING ARCHETYPES 

One of the crucial aspects of the archetypes is not only that 
they exist in 'psychic space,” so to speak. They also exist with such 
universal influence that they require some kind of representational form 
suitable to their specific kinds of vitalizing energies. 

Although the Androgyne archetype can be portrayed as a sexu 
'illy ambivalent figure, its central meaning denotes a state above or 
beyond sexuality. But its most representative form is the Zero, denol 
mg the formless before forms manifest. However, it takes a rather an 
jier-developed form of consciousness to recognize, achieve, and deal with 
this. 

Meanwhile, back in the realm of psycho-energetic forms, them 

281 



are three major sexualizing archetypes that are recognized just about 
everywhere, albeit in somewhat different formats, but all having simi- 
lar iconography and attributes. 

These three sexualizing archetypes have been with us since pre- 
antiquity, and we in the modern West today still recognize them by 
their ancient Roman designations of: 

• Mars, as the chief Male or Masculine archetype 

• Venus, as the chief Female or Feminine archetype 

• Mercury, as the chief Inter-sexed or Mixed-sex archetype 

As a caution here, it needs to be carried in mind that these 
archetypes, as with all archetypes, refer to specific kinds of vitalizing 
energies. Those energies do download into artistic and representational 
forms, and which are sometimes mistaken for the archetypes them- 
selves. 

Many pre-modern societies elevated the sexualizing archetypes 
to the position of semi-deification: 

• Mars, the demi-god of intense masculinity with all His active 

energies and aggressive trappings 

• Venus, the demi-goddess of intense femininity with all Her pas- 
sive energies and associated allurements 

The existence of the Mercury sexualizing archetype has always 
been somewhat eclipsed by the other two. But in its classical sense, it 
denoted a combination of the Mars- Venus archetypes, a sort of half- 

and-half affair comprised of both. 

But the Mercury archetype had one specific factor the other two 

did not. 

The Mars archetype is obviously associated with the red planet 
Mars, and the Venus archetype is associated with the glittering and 
beautiful planet Venus. 

But the Mercury archetype appears to be chiefly associated with 
mercury, the metal, which is liquid, fluid and highly plastic, and can 
change its shape without being destroyed. 

In this sense, the chief attribute of the Mercury archetype is 
change, and anything that is fluid and shape- or situation-changing is 
associated with this demi-deity. 


282 


I In other words, while the attributes associated with the Mum 

and Venus energy archetypes are expected to remain the same in a 
kind of static way, the chief attribute of the Mercury archetype has to 
do with energetic undulations. 

I Thus, the Mercury archetype is usually represented with undu 

lating coils and small wings on feet and on a helmet denoting psychic 
power. 

I Based on clairvoyance of their various kinds of energies, these 

three archetypes terms now make better sense. 

■ The only apparent mistake is the rather superficial assumption 
that the Martian and Venusian types are complimentary to each other 
and somehow fit together. 

v As far as of my clairvoyant observations have gone, this is de- 

cidedly not the case. 

SOME CLAIRVOYANT EXAMPLES OF THE 
\ THREE SEXUALIZING ENERGI ES 

B However, the Martian and Venusian types of sexualizing rega- 

lia I’ve described cannot be taken as typical or standard— since mix- 
tures of them are far more common. 

■ Regarding the impressive female regalia, I’ve seen only two ex- 
amples that fit the ideal feminine bill. One example concerned a sales 
lady tending a perfume counter in the famous and very elegant 
Bloomingdale’s department store in New York City. 

■ I had gone there with a friend who wanted to purchase some 
special skin lotions. This was before Carmen de Barazza helped close 
down my “flaring chakras." 

I could see the regalia from across the store, and it turned out 
that her counter sold the types of lotions my friend was looking for. 

I had already seen lesser versions of the female regalia, anil 
had, with difficulty, comprehended what they meant. But this woman 
was older, although well preserved and quite elegant and stunning, I 
couldn't resist doing a little research. So I told her I was “developing my 
Clairvoyance." 

This interested her, and so I popped the rather brash quest ion 
Are you by any chance horny? 

Her eyes widened. Oh, My God! You can see that! I'm about In 


283 



die. So I described what I was seeing, at which point she broke into 

tearS ' It turned out that she was SIXTY-ONE years old. although she 
looked fifty, and had undergone menopause years earlier at the appro- 
priate time. 

My friend and I lingered at the counter for quite some time. We 
discovered that her studdly live-in boyfriend, who was twenty-four, would 

be back in town that very night. < 

And so hypnotic had I become that I ended up buying $125- 
worth of expensive lotions I didn’t need or want. 

I’ve witnessed several versions of the male regalia full blown, 

each of which were variations on the central theme. 0nly I" ' C "“ 

did I venture to pop the horny question, and was rewarded with suit- 
able answers. 

According to my admittedly clairvoyant lucidity ^ observations 

what is more usual is to find either smattenngs ” ™ 

Martian and Venusian sexualizing energies in the SAME individua 

energy ^y^ gnergetic mixtures thus equate to the Mercury energy 
archetype. The dislocations between the two sexual versions of the sexu- 
alizing paraphernalia also have to be considered. 

It is also not unusual to find male versions at least temporarily 
manifesting parts of or the full female regalia (with the exception of the 
green probing beam) or to find female versions temporarily manifest- 
ing the male regalia (with the exception of the coils.) 

Something here seems to fall within the scope of whatever or 
whichever energy body the energy sensorium either wants to do, or want s 

to experience. 

THE RELATIONSHIP OF HORNYNESS AND 
THE DESIRE TO MELD OR BOND 

The topic of melding will be more fully elaborated in the next 
chapter. But setting aside here what might constitute psychological dif- 
ficulties, blocks, or fixations, the purpose of hornyness seems to indi- 
cate a desire to meld with someone or some thing. 

If we add the concept of BONDING to this, arriving at double 

concept of MELDING-BONDING, we can trace back into antiquity cer- 


284 


tain rituals designed to inspire and achieve such. 

Many modern attitudes can hardly think of such rituals as any- 
thing other than sexual— meaning that they can't get much beyond the 
issues of the physical genitalia having precise, hut limited functions. 

Even without the asset of clairvoyance, this seems a quite nar- 
row vision. Even though such rituals obviously had their sexualizing 
concomitants, the ancients could see that there was hardly any logical 
reason to ritualize sexual activity per se. Something that goes on all of 
the time hardly needs to be ritualized. 

Melding and bonding, however, clearly should be ritualized, since 
these constitute important issues above and beyond mundane physical 
intercourse and etc. Even the heterosexual marriage rite today does 
not ritualize intimate contact; rather it attempts to ritualize melding 
and bonding. 

It’s worth mentioning along these lines that perhaps the two 
potential participants should undergo clairvoyant inspection before the 
marriage rite. Legalized copulating alone often does not a marriage 
make. 

It is helpful here to remember that the energy body is never 
static. It is always in flux, or fluctuating. It is also plastic, and seems to 
be enabled to “create" novel energy manifestations. 

For example, the pranic chakras (which have been discussed) 
are not usually seen as activated in most bio-psychic units. On the other 
hand, some or all of them can magically appear, at least temporarily so, 
where not one iota of evidence for them has been perceived before. 

Thus, something here is obviously owed to the “states of con- 
sciousness" the sensorium or vital soul has “decided” to manifest and to 
meld or bond with. 

It’s also very worthwhile to mention that the auras of certain 
people seldom manifest any sexualizing energies, none of the regalia a! 
least. 

I noticed that the auras of some people were a gorgeous blue, or 
a gorgeous light purple. Upon questioning these people, they invariably 
had higher, aesthetic or spiritual goals, with sex only occasionally In* 
ing necessary or not at all. It was easy enough to associate such sox 
empty energies to the Androgyne archetype. 

Earlier this century, many psychologists and philosophers I lion 

285 


rw 





5t5V^(^ 01A^V <L 


i/M$\/vv9\/\XA 


retically suggested that the “sex energies could be “sublimated" into 
other creative urges and goals. 

This is somewhat in keeping with what can clairvoyantly be 
perceived, although a “shift” in consciousness is also apparently needed. 

It is illogical to believe that a sensorium fixated into sex ener- 
gies can sublimate them without also unfixating that particular state 
of consciousness. 


THE PROBLEMATICAL NATURE OF MIXES 
OF THE THREE SEXUALIZING ENERGY FORMS 

I Before going on, it should be admitted that clairvoyantly I have 

[ seen energetic phenomena I have not been able to identify or under- 
l stand. 

Especially prominent among these are the black, right angle 
bars seen in the auras and inside the bio-body, and the various kinds of 
shooting in and shooting out radiances seen to leave and enter various 
energy bodies. 

Also mysterious is seeing that an aura field is composed of more 
than just one personal aura field, or several of them. Some of these, 

1 j or a mix of then, can be identified as belonging to a female version, 

M\ 1' The problem with clairvoyant seeing in this regard is that such 
mixes tend to undulate in and gut of each other. They come, they go, 
they appear, they vanish. But the implication is that it is not an indi- 
vidual or personal aura being seen, but a composite. 

From these additional “personal” auras, as it were, can occa- 
sionally be seen flare-ups of the male or female regalia. The complica- 
tions here seem obvious and insurmountable — unless we consider that 
in some cases the energetic sensorium involved is a composite one, and 
which will “produce” mixtures of sexualizing energies. 

At any rate, there are confusions to be encountered when a in- 
dividual aura or energy body manifests more than male or female en- 
ergy manifestations, or manifests a mix of them. 

Since we can suppose what these mixes or multiplicities prob- 
ably mean in social terms, there is little point in delving too deeply into 
them. 

As it is, however, some males manifest distinct female regalia 


286 




and this whether they are seen as physically feminine or butch or built 
like brick shithouses. 

Butch dykes almost always exhibit the protruding pink 
pseudopodia from their crotch areas -although in those canes that en- 
ergy organ usually doesn’t extend outward very far. 

Both female and male versions can emit from their pores the 
male or female globules, depending, it might be supposed, on circum 
stances or perceived affinities of external sexualizing attractions. 

Sometimes I’ve seen energy bodies having fully one-half of the 
male sexualizing regalia and one-half of the female regalia. I’ve occa- 
sionally witnessed married couples, seeming completely happy, but in 
which the male manifests versions of the female regalia, while the fe- 
male manifests those of the male. 

I Thus, the Mercury archetype is perfectly valid, if based upon 

what can clairvoyantly be seen. In this sense, then the modern terms 
heterosexual, homosexual, and bisexual seem particularly limiting, 
narrow, and often just plainly inapplicable. These terms are purely so- 
ciological in origin — and don’t at all apply to sexualizing phenomena of 
our species that transcends local sociological idiocies. 

i It is worth recalling here that the Mercury archetype is “fluid” 

like the liquid metal mercury. All human energy bodies are also “fluid.” 

Indeed, fluidity is the hallmark of the human species in all 
things, including physical motion, mental motion, spiritual and aes- 
thetic motion, About the only thing that can become fixed, thus static, 
in* convictions, and these are exclusively of static psychological origin. 

I The equivalent of convictions can be perceived in human auras, 

usually of the color black, or a darker non-luminous color. These “clouds” 

• a ‘densities" can usually be seen as sucking in energy, perhaps like a 
Mack hole, a vacuum cleaner, or in a vampire kind of way No outpour 
mg can be seen, or only very weak ones. 

For more specifics on all this, I’ll refer you to Barbara Ann 
Mimnans competent book, HANDS OF LIGHT (1987), listed in the bib 

liography. 

In her book, among other topics important to clairvoyance, you 
will find a section headed ‘The Energy Field of the Schizoid Structure,* 4 

This refers to an energy structure characterized mainly by cncigy held 


UM7 


discontinuities like imbalances and breaks. These “structures” are not uncom- 
mon, but they are outside the scope of this present book. 

ENERGETIC COMPLEXITIES TO BE CONSIDERED 

So far, although these commentaries might seem strange enough, there 
are now some energetic complexities to be considered. 

1 . Some male versions cannot be seen to possess the sexualizing 
paraphernalia of the purple chakra in the cleft of their buttocks. If it is indeed 
absent, and not merely reduced to nothing, then this absence seems to leave the 
male curiously asexual, and often completely uninterested in such matters. 

2. Likewise, some females can be seen to have an absence of the 
complimentary blue-green chakra just inside their vaginas, with much the same 

result. 

3. However, some males and females can be seen to have BOTH - 
with resulting complications and confusions. 

4 A male version can have the female chakra just above his penis or at 
some point along the penis. The female version can have the male one, although 
not in her ass cleft, but slightly above it nearer the tail bone. 

Obviously, these factors begin to make for some complications regard- 
ing the bending rays. And since these complications are so various, its rather 
senseless to utilize the three stereotypes of heterosexual, homosexual, and 
bisexual to describe them. 

One reason is that the mix-up is more frequent than might be expected, 
and that there is indeed a wide spectrum regarding what can then happen. 

5. At times, these mix-ups seem only temporary and impermanent, 
since in the same individuals they can be seen to change, vanish, and reemerge 
at various times. Something obviously depends on circumstances here. 

6 With equal shiftiness, the tip of the male penis can be seen having 
the emerald green chakra, while in the female the clitoris can be found having 

the ruby red one. . 

These situations usually have unexpected (or expected) results 

concerning the bending rays, and which results can easUy be described 
as "attractions,” or better still as “pulling attractions which take the 


288 


intellects involved by surprise. 

The presence of the usually red chakra in the crotch is usually 
the same in both the male and female versions — with the exception 
that if it is fading, has changed colors, or has darkened or blackened, 
then almost assuredly the person will shortly be subjected to ill health. 

It also appears that if this basic powerful chakra has somehow 
become jeopardized, then a wide variety of emotional and adverse psy- 
chological effects might also manifest. 

For example. ANY toxic drugs, and any overuse of alcohol, seems 
at least to temporarily distort this crotch chakra, not only as regards its 
circularizing shape, but its colors as well. 

While this chakra seems to have a great deal to do with sexu- 
alizing activities, it’s impairment is also easily related to increases of 
faulty judgment. If it is not impaired, it can yield increases in refined 
judgment. 


2H9 


Chapter 27 


THE ENERGETIC MELDINf i ri 1 m< I H *N 


As has been mentioned, when auras are illunh "ImI • *ti |im|m • 
they are seen only in the 2-dimensions the paper repronuhlft \ »» « 
motional activity of the real aura is frozen on the page, aonnei mii • •»■»!* 
come away from the illustrations with the idea that the mini 
fields are static or motionless. 

Written descriptions of auras can point up that t hey m o net \\ • 
and motile. But still, in a visualizing sense, the static two dimensions! 
image has entered into memory, which itself is likely to he predoml 
nantly composed of billions of static pictures. 

The whole of this leads to the subtle expectation that any clair 
voyant perception of the auras will “see" them as they were presented 
in the static illustrations. The reason is that verbal visual memory stor- 
age are two different sectors of the overall memory storage banks. 

It would take movie or video film to capture the auras in a three- 
dimensional way, and give the necessary impressions of their active 
motion. 

Motion pictures can capture electromagnetic activity, especially 
if they illuminate or ionize the atmosphere around them, such as is the 
case regarding lightening either in nature or in laboratories. 

Sometimes, still photographs of people demonstrate glows or 
other phenomena around them. However, such effects are usually “ex- 
plained" as trickery or as something amiss with the photo process. 

Motion pictures of Kirlian auras have been achieved. These show 
the energy discharges as scintillating, often as jumping around and 
changing shape, and exhibiting sudden changes of color. 

Conventional analysis dismisses these as mere electrostatic ef 
fects, which most assuredly they are in one sense. But the question 
remains as to why even electrostatic effects should happen. 

In the case of the Kirlian effects, it is true that a mild elect rieiil 
charge is being introduced into the hand, and that it is being discharged 

291 


out of the discharges that can be photographed, and explained 

away as such. 

But this is indicative of a process whereby any energy encoun- 
tered by the body or energy field would likewise be absorbed and [then 
discharged. So the Kirlian effects represent a simple model of what would 

happen to the greater energetic whole. 

Similar to the Kirlian effects, which are always dancing and 

scintillating in motion, the whole of the aura would also be scintillating 
and dancing in vital motion. Even aura fields that might at first _appear 
to visualizing clairvoyance as motionless mists are composed of micro- 
energetic particles always exhibiting some kind of energetic motion. 

THE DYNAMIC MOTILITY OF 
AURA ENERGY FIELDS 

MOTILE is a term seldom used anymore, but it should be re- 
stored to usage regarding aura energy fields. 

As an adjective, MOTILE denotes “Capable of motion; charac- 
terized by motion.” 

MOTILITY denotes “Capable of the power of motion (as a qual- 
ity of organisms.”) 

The introduction of the term POWER into the above definition 
is important, at least in its principle and most descriptive definition. 
“Having ability to act or produce an effect; capacity tor being acted up 

or undergoing an effect.” 

The above definitions take on added luminosity if the term 
DYNAMIC is introduced into them. The standard definitions of that 

term usually refer only to physical forces or energies. 

But the definition of DYNAMICS is more useful, and revealing. 
It denotes “a branch of mechanics that deals with forces and their re a- 
tion primarily to the motion, but sometimes also to the equilibrium ol 

bodies of matter.” , . , . _ . ,• 

This definition can logically be extended to include the motion 

and/or equilibrium of “vital life organisms.” ^ V v TAMIQM ho 

Keeping the above in mind, the definition of DYNAMISM be 

comes quite interesting and revealing: ‘The theory that explains the 


292 


universe in terms of forces and their interplay.” 

As might be surmised, this “theory” ih the modern Western 
equivalent of the Pranic energies of ancient India, and the Ch’i energies 
of ancient China. 

If these definitions are carefully reflected upon, it is almost 
impossible to consider any kind of energy as having anything remotely 
resembling, as it were, effect-less-ness. 

Energies, then, rather regularly produce dynamic effects, and 
they do so whether they are, in any conventional sense, visible or invis- 
ible, tangible or intangible. 

The distinction between non- visual and visual clairvoyance has 
been discussed in several different contexts. 

Non-visual clairvoyance (a type of telesthesia) has been defined 
under the connotation of dynamic “sensing” in the absence of any men- 
tal imagery that goes along with visualizing clairvoyance. 

Although non-visualizing clairvoyance is broadly discounted, it 
is none the less a quite important form of it, since it most clearly repre- 
sents the signal feature of energies — its impacting or dynamic effects. 

Indeed, the effects are first sensed (because of their impacts), 
but the initial sensing is almost immediately or simultaneously followed 
by “knowledge” of from whom or from where the energies emanated. 

If one has a form of clairvoyance developed enough to perceive 
motional qualities of the “knowledge," then the rays, beams or energy 
tubes conveying the energy can become visible. But this is a kind of 
clairvoyance that MUST incorporate the “seeing” of the dynamic motil 
ity of the energies involved. 

The meaning here is that if the clairvoyant doesn’t expect to 
sense-see the motility, then it is quite likely to remain in the invisible 
category. 

The thrust of the foregoing discussion has been to bring to light 
the motile-dynamic nature of aura energy fields — as contrasted to the 
more usual static, motionless, concepts of them. The reason is t hut l he 
motionless concept of the energies cannot incorporate something thiil 
• he motile concept can — that there are enormous qualitative <lilfen»m • i 
among the impacting energies, and this must have something to do * It h 
subtle dynamic differences or essences imbedded in their motility. 

'293 I 


1 

J 1 




I 


motile energies as carriers of information 

it represents beyond that. 

lb „et into more refined distinctions of this, it can be»a.dthat 
energies. 

Broadly speaking, the sensing of the emotions (empathy) can 

sometimes have confusing as^jects.^^ „ usually undergone 

with high de^r 0 g f darity. the only real obstacle seeing to cons.st of 
intellectual damage regarding sexuality as a whole. 

Each of the categories mentioned above can. of course be con- 
sidered superficially. But each of them can be transliterated into 

cific type of “information.” 

tltey carry ^ ^ vibrations are sensed as different from 

each o to not simply as different vibrations, but by them dffferen in- 
formation content. 

T nf this although information theorists are not overly 

P r^"atat"e the less mahe a 8 ood case for utter- 

preting the whole of existence as Information. 

cal prospect. 


294 


THE EXISTENCE OF ENERGY- INK >KMATK )N 


But the fact is that Information Theory can be seen working 
just about everywhere. 

For example, the seeds of apples and the seeds of car! i rim y ! hr 
specific energy-information that invariably produce apple I rocs and curt i 
In principle, it would be possible by genetic engineering to meld thorn* 
two together to produce an apple cactus. 

For the vital life energies and forces to have any meaning at all, 
it must be presumed that they either ARE or CARRY information. Tho 
fact that clairvoyants perceive the information forces as radiances, lights, 
colors, subtle fluids, fields, etc., is, in this sense, beside the point. 

The “point" becomes more clarified in the case of psychic heal- 
ing where the energetic-information patterns of the healer link into 
and stimulate a reorganization of the energetic-information patterns of 
the healee. _ -flf 

Some of the better examples of this have been documented as 
non-touch healing, where the physical hands of the healer do not touch 
the physical components of the healee. In cases of non-touch healing, 
the affect can only be an energetic one. 

However, in some sense at least, the information-energies of 
the healer would have to temporarily meld with the information -ener- 
gies of the healee in order for a curative energy-information exchange 
to take place. 

But this leads to the prospect (better addressed as psychic force 
creativity) that vital life information energies and forces are being 
melded and exchanged all of the time anyway — even across distances, 
such as in the cases of “absent” healing where the healer and healee are 
separated by distances sometimes very great indeed. 


It’s worth noting at this point, that if the fundamental nature of 
mainstream societal resistance is examined in fundamental detail, all 
of the vital force phenomena recounted in this book are objected to cm 
the grounds that (under any name) the energies ARE informat ion nil 


ners. 


If the energies were just energies that did nothing, affected no! It 
ing, remained ovalesque, then there would be no societal problem almiil 
them. 

From the* point of social -control formats, however, one cun'! 


295 




untamed information running around wiUy-nilly-either emer^ng from 
sensitives or seers, or consisting of unsuspected influences that might 
be problematical to socio-authoritarian monopolies. 

THE INFORMATION-EXCHANGE NATURE OF 

ENERGETIC MELDING 

The principle of bio-psychic, energetic melding somewhat Hows 
over into the activities of psychic creativity, in which context its sub- 
stantive phenomena could be treated in depth. 

But the sexualizing phenomena that are the topic of this boo 
are, in themselves, types of vital energy melding-this being more pro- 
nounced and exact perhaps in the case of bio-psychic female versions 
In addition, it should be pointed up that the bio-psychic meld- 
ing principle need not necessarily carry information whose energetic- 
intent is only sexual in nature. 

Thus, there are additional energy formats involved. Sometimes 
these activate during sexual-intent energetics. But sometimes they do 
not. They are more likely to activate and become clairvoyantly percei - 

able if the major intent is some kind of communion. 

Naturally, one does not want to commune with something tnat 

is energy-information unsuitable or non-productive. So, considering the 
elegance of the vital force energies, it seems logical to assume that such 
forces have specific energetic formats in this regard. 

THE MALE MELDING TORUS 

Regarding male versions seen clairvoyantly, when two of them 
are near one another, a peculiar energy phenomenon might occur 

A torque or torus can be seen horizontally forming around their 
pectoral areas, running around the biceps and completing the circle at 

the back^ ^ ^ 80met hi n g that produces a rotation, a turning, twist- 
ing force. Atoms is a protuberance or a bulge, which is doughnut-shaped. 

The male physical body can be seen standing in the doughnut’s 
hole, while the torquing torus is about two to three feet out around the 
body. So far as I can tell by micro-clairvoyance, this particular torque 1 
nowhere linked to the bio-body, and so I identify them as free-standing 

energetic phenomena. . , , ■ 

When this torque first forms, it is usually glowing golden in 


296 


color. The torques of two males can be seen magnetically attracting each 
other, as if they “want" to meld. If the melding does not shortly take 
place, then the color shifts to red. and tends to become "disturbed" and 
“angry.” The emotions seem to respond likewise. 

Meanwhile, a second, but smaller, torquing might form around 
the area where the genitals are, and THIS one can be seen to involve 
the basic red crotch chakra, the genitals, buttocks and upper thighs. 

This is not quite free standing, but it forms about a foot outside 
of the bio-body. The coils, earlier mentioned and always very impres 
sive, might also form. 

If by now a melding has not taken place, these torques can be 
seen releasing curving rays of red and white energy which detach and 
can whirl independently around, “disturbing” both the male versions 
and anyone else in the proximity. There is considerable dynamic force 
regarding the torques and the free-standing rays. The “atmosphere” 
becomes heavy and tense. 


i ne oest example i ve seen of these torques was the case of two 
brothers who had been undergoing psychoanalysis for a long time be- 
cause they hated each other, but couldn’t go their own ways. 

In analysis, they had gotten so far as to conclude that their 
“energies were irrevocably incompatible.” When they heard of my clair- 
voyance they asked to visit. 


When they walked into my studio, their mutual torques were in 
such an advanced state of disrepair that they were sending out not only 
whirling beams, but “sparks” as well. The “atmosphere” of my studio 
instantly became quite tense, almost baleful. 


I decided to get directly to the point by asking if they had hard 
ons, which made them red in the face, but got their undivided atten 
tion. I then did a rap about torques, and about the angry-heat they 
could produce — and which had a totally surprising result in that both 
broke into tears. 


i uia not asK tnem to embrace and kiss, but in my explanaba y 
rap it became clear to them what they had to do. After a little mumbling 
about not being “fags," they physically approached each other 

The magnetic torques around them immediately be. nme 
larger torque surrounding both. With the “psychological conwnl 


21)7 


available, the torques themselves did the rest largely because the torques 
are strongly “intelligently magnetic”— which seems to be the best way 
to put it. 

The two brothers embraced tentatively at first, but then ‘more 
magnetically." Finally, with no embarrassment, they kissed like Rus- 
sian men do. 

The kissing-embrace did not last very long, but they apparently 
forgot 1 was there. Meanwhile, in silence, their combined aura bodies 
shifted from angry red to a most gorgeous blue outlined in a golden 
light. 

I thought 1 could see their mutual energy networks duplicating 
each other, but a good deal of clairvoyant stuff was going on and I couldn’t 
be sure. 


Afterward, 1 made tea (mainly to reorganize myself,) and we 
then talked for about two hours about clairvoyance and energy bodies. 
During this time they nonchalantly held hands, and finally departed 
with arms around each other’s shoulders. 

The problem apparently had been that they had interpreted 
their affinity and attraction to each other as homosexual, and this 
aroused social fear in them. Their analyst had even diagnosed that this 
was their “incestuous problem," and had told them so. They had been 
paying perfectly good money for this “treatment.' 

THE FEMALE MELDING TORQUES 

Female versions produce torques, too, but of an entirely differ- 
ent kind, abundantly more complex, but wondrously so. 

Most female versions produce five of them. 

The first, and sometimes predominant one is vertical and shaped 
like a two-pointed oval. 

The top point is about two to three feet above the head, the 
bottom point is beneath the feet and penetrates into the ground and 
floor. 

Conjoined to this one are four more, making five in total. If seen 
from above, they make the shape of a five-pointed star. 

Male versions do not always have their torques, but it seems 

that female versions always do. 

While in the male versions the powerful gold-red melding torques 

298 


rotate horizontally, the perpendicular torques of the female versions 
slowly rotate vertically and into and out of each other, and can do so 
rhythmically and in wonderful tempos. 

In the female versions, the rotating torques, if in a kind of inac- 
tive state, resemble colorless glass tubes about an inch or less in diam- 
eter. 

When they are energized they become at first golden. If these 
melding torques are not fulfilled, they then turn sort of an angry elec- 
tric blue— at which time the “atmosphere” around the female will turn 
heavy. 

I’ve only occasionally seen these torques throw off free-stand- 
ing rays, but when they do they are very unsettling to others who expe- 
rience them. 

In color, the flung-out rays are usually a dirty white or gray 

piilK. 

When the torques of male and female versions “wish" to meld 
and duplicate each others’ Information, a kind of template or pattern of 
the female torques will appear around the male, while the pattern of 
the male torque will appear around the breast area of the female. 

T hese, however, are quite delicate and transparent, and both 
sets of torques and templates disappear upon “consent” to meld. 

GEOMETRIC ENERGY STRUCTURES 

If melding (energy information exchange) has been successful, 

« teI ^porary illumination will appear in the auras above the head 
whether the melding is of the two or same sexes. 

This is usually glowing white, and often I believe mistaken for 
the important Pramc crown chakra. Subjected to micro-clairvoyance 
these illuminations can be seen containing a vast array of different col 

ored lights, usually pastel in color, and also, of all things, a vast array of 
Koometric symbols. 

.V J hese are rppid,y changing and fluctuating into and out of each 
other. The nearest analogy I can devise is of a computer processing in 

lormation via symbolized energiesr-and with exceeding speed ho I 

that the symbols become indistinct as blobs of light. These illumnm 
lions are wonderful and exquisite to behold. When the processing of Hie 
melding seems complete, they disappear. 


296 


1 


1 

I 


However when I first saw these symbols I truly thought I was 

1 C “ me rET«« Clairvoyant who saw these symbols as a 

Part 0f te a rd=t;"aut“S p.intin.s of them, calling them 

-personal archetypes." Some of C “ n ' > 

ion book to come under the tttle of PSYCHIC CREAT1V1 V. 


'I 



Chapter 28 


HUMAN ENERGETICS— A SCIENCE DENI El ) 


It is difficult to wrap up this book, because its overall inforinn 
tion content obviously extends into other large areas of human oner 
getic activity, especially the areas of creativity and power. 

Thus, without taking a breath, it would be easy enough simply 
to segue into both of those topics. Like this book, the central major topic 
of the two has to do with the existence of invisible energetics, and which, 
in some sense at least, account for the amazing, but elusive, special 
phenomena encountered in both areas. 

Those special phenomena have been left unaccounted for. There 
are a number of lesser societal reasons, but the larger one is simply 
that the science of human energetics has for a very long time been 
avoided and denied at the behest of powerful mainstream forces. 

I The exact, bigger-picture reasons that stimulate this denial are 

quite difficult to fathom. Whatever they are, they certainly go against 
the overall concept of an unbiased accumulating of enlightened know! 
edge on behalf of enlarging human understanding and transformative 
values of it. 

I OCCULTISM AS THE SCIENCE OF ENERGETICS 

Generally speaking, however, interest in universal, cosmic, and 
organic energetics has never disappeared entirely, and much along suc h 
lines has been undertaken by those interested in doing so. 

Give or take a little, the entire category of occultism and occult 
knowledge can be thought of as the science of energetics. 

Indeed, the various aspects of whatever has been assigned an 
occult do deal with invisible factors, and principally with energetics 
and how various energies are distributed in the cosmos and in orgimit 
| organisms. 

In this sense, “occultism" has fundamental and important hint* 
in antiquity, and much has continuously been derived from them 
I Hut through the centuries they have been added to at vailnun 

I'lHK’hs, while in some of the epochs the work was condemned and had 






HOI 


to be conducted “underground.” Hence, the term OCCULT (meaning 
“hidden”) has a double meaning. The energetics studied were hidden by 
their essential invisibility, and hidden also to avoid mainstream con- 
demnations. 

The thread that links most of the occult work into one continu- 
ous piece is that the universe is made up of energies, and that these 
download in different interplaying formats, and the different formats 
are those subtle vital life energies from which all animated life form 
can manifest. 

Something like this is the essential definition of Prana of an- 
cient India, and of Ch’i of ancient China. There are many other terms 
for the same idea. The modem West even has one that verges on scien- 
tific authenticity. This term, as we saw in the foregoing chapter, is DY- 
NAMISM— a theory that explains the universe in terms of forces and 

their interplay. 

There is a strange aspect to the societal suppression of occult 
energetic topics. 

No matter the suppression, and how trenchantly it is conducted, 
the topic of energetics simply reemerges again and again, under differ- 
ent auspices, and under different nomenclature. 

The most probable reason for the reemergence is that certain 
individuals perceive the value and meaning of knowing something about 
energetics, and especially so with regard to human activity. 

THE ENERGETIC NATURE OF 
SECRET SOVIET RESEARCH 

As but one rather amusing example, in 1969, the American in- 
| telligence community had become unnerved by a surprising discovery— 

' that since the 1930s the Soviet Union had secretly been conducting se- 

I rious research into psychic phenomena. 

I Further, the Soviet research was big-time, and involved some 

I nineteen major military research centers. 

| The whole of chis constituted something of a socio-political mys- 

tery. Not only was the sheer size of the Soviet effort a shock to American 
' analysts, but the very idea of such research was also in conflict with 

I Communist philosophy. 

As informed Westerners understood it, the political sociology of 


302 




Uo laical cn/vj cm 

Marxist-Communist thinking ardently held Western psychic phenom- 
ena and parapsychology to consist of superstitious beliefs compiled with 
decadent behavior. 

Thus any such phenomena must not only be avoided in the So- 
viet Union, but actively purged. 

But far from being purged, such work was boldly underway in 
the Soviet Union, and so there were possible scientific and military is- 
sues involved, but also political and societal ones. 



In the light of this possible ominous Soviet development, a quite 
large and longer-term effort was made to find out what the Soviets were 
doing. One of the first larger-picture discoveries was that Russia and 
other significant portions of the Soviet Empire were Asian in cultural 
background, and as such possessed deep currents of Asian ethos. 

Such guiding principles had historically legitimized such ac- 
tivities as acupuncture, chi gong, shamanism, second-sight, and dis- 
tant influencing as being energetic functions not only in nature, but as 
regards the human systems. 

In this sense, then, the Soviet scientists did not see such ener- 
getic manifestations as arising from psychologically decadent causes, 
but as bio-energetic (the Soviet term) functions that could be ascertained, 
explored and demonstrated in laboratories. 

Thus, without too much fuss and bother, the Soviet “bio-ener 
getic'’ and “bio-communication" research could be incorporated into tin* 
socio-political think of the Soviet Union. 

Because the distinction here may remain ambiguous at first , it 
needs to be clearly pointed up. 

Contrary to the understanding in the West that parapsychol 
ogy researched “powers of mind,” the Soviets were busily researching 
biological ENERGIES. Put another way, the Soviets were in the pro 
cess of developing a science of human energetics. 

The developing Soviet science, therefore, had no compinsbli 
counterpart in the West, so American analysts were initially unnlilu i«» 
grasp what was involved — since they thought in terms of montal j*he 
nomena rather than biological energetic phenomena. 

The modern West had established no science regarding I lie 
of human energetics — and which field indeed had long been 
ceptance, as we have seen in this book. 


303 





The Soviet energetics did have a comparable counterpart in Asia, 
and especially in China, and a very ancient and authentic counterpart 

Ht that It is found elucidated, among other sources, as one of the doc- 
trines of TAO, variously translated as “The Way,” or “The Supreme Path 
of Nature”— which constitutes a philosophy that has permeated the 
whole structure of Chinese thought and society for over 2,500 years. 


As referred to earlier, a rather neat synopsis of the “Supreme 
Path” is contained in Reay Tannahill’s fascinating book, entitled SEX 
IN HISTORY (revised and updated edition, 1992). 

As noted by Tannahill, within the Supreme Path of Nature, 
Existence appeared as a dynamic, “energetic movement of change, a 
kind of space-time continuum of fluid energies in which man, beast, 
trees, mountains, cloud, river and sea were all indissolubly merge 

Weaving and powering an erratic trail through all of these is 
the force (energy) known as CH’I, the vital essence, the breath of life- 
and whose path is the Supreme Path of Nature. 

In the sense of this vital force (energy) as the fundamental es- 
sence of EXISTENCE, the ancient Chinese viewed CHI as THE pri- 
mary factor of all that exists. So the primary factor of whatever exists is 
first ENERGETIC, and only then do the realms of the phenomenal, 
including those physical and mental, manifest. 

In her book examining sex in history, Reay Tannahill was obliged 
to make the important connection between Eastern knowledge of CH I 
energetics and sexualizing energetics, a connection that has gone miss- 

ing in the West. 

Beyond that connection, however. Eastern knowledge of CHI 
resulted in the formulations of acupuncture, ch'i gong (energy- healing), 
cognitive extensions of CH’I force as a basis for many of the martial 
arts, and for various kinds of shamanism and divination. 

Developmental CH’I also led to empowerment of various states 
of exceptional experiencing easily comparable to certain kinds of ener- 

getic PSI phenomena in the West. 

In the West, however, such energetic functions were 


304 



mistaken as psychological powers of mind, not as basic powers of ener- 
getics. (Quite a number of the astonishing energetic functions derived 
from the practice of CH I gong are described in a recent (1997) book by 
Paul Dong and Thomas E. Raffill, entitled CHINA’S SUPER 
PSYCHICS.) * 


A CHIEF CHARACTERISTIC OF 
WESTERN PSI RESEARCH 

The study of the sociological implications of PSI also revealed a 
number of things about the West- where the occurrence of energetic 
phenomena did not enjoy the traditional background as found in Asia 
and much of Eastern Europe. 

To help explain this, Asia had always considered the body-en- 
ergy-mind as three primary factors of human existence. But the West 
utilized only the two-part body-mind model. In the West, therefore, all 
human phenomena had to be attributed to the body or to the mind. 

The three-part Asian model, however, was in keeping with most 
pre-modern societies the world over. Indeed, as established via archae- 
ology and anthropology, most pre-modern societies made allowance for 
the three-part idea of the human in which the energy part was concep- 
tualized as distinct from, but interrelated with, the other two parts. 

In the West, as the modern age condensed and solidified its 
philosophical and scientific identity, a departure was made from the 
pre-modern triune of body-energy-mind. 

Although energies were still referred to in the philosophies and 
sciences of the modern West, they were thought of not as things-in- 
themselves, but only as subsidiary elements of the body or mind. 

Another way of putting this is that energy was considered only 
as amorphous potential until it was manifested either as physical or 
mental energy. 

This resulted in the broad Western understanding that the liu 
man entity indeed possessed energies, but that these were internal to 
and commensurate with the dualism of body-mind, and thus having no 
separate substance. 

In their biological sense, the body energies could miiiplv !•• 
thought of as mechanistic in nature. The mental energies warn a hnl.> 

306 


more difficult to conceptualize in terms of psychology. 

And in that regard a number of fatiguing problems ultimately 
arose which began serving as background for a number of enigmas, 
paradoxes, and conundrums. These paradoxes have never really been 

resolved. 

Even so. the philosophies and sciences of the Modem Age moved 
dynamically forward, deservedly triumphant in very many aspects. But 
the same philosophies and sciences became increasingly weak regard- 
ing such problems— identified as, for example, the body-mind relation- 
ship, the body - mind interface, etc. None of these problems could be, and 
have not yet been, convincingly resolved in the absence of human ener- 
getics. 


SOME HISTORICAL NOTES REGARDING 
THE DENIAL OF ENERGETICS IN THE WEST 

In terms of its history, the blow-by-blow developments that led 
to the Western denial of energetics are complicated. But it is quite easy 
to recognize one of the most important fall-outs from the denial. 

The fall-out is that the phenomena of energies, or energetics, 
that could not be directly attributed to body or mind gradually collated 
into the area earlier known as the “occult sciences,” but which category 
was stigmatized as unscientific in its fundamental nature. 

In not only the philosophic or scientific sense, but in the broad 
societal sense, this development demarcating the scientific from the 
unscientific can clearly be seen as a denial of the major substance of the 
occult sciences — VITAL ENERGIES. 

Since the later psychical and subsequent parapsychological re- 
search arose out of the discredited occult sciences, the mainstream sci- 
ences needed to be intolerant of them as well. 

While it is true that the so-called occult sciences came to consist 
of many intellectual confusions, their major substance consisted of stud- 
ies of energetic phenomena as, so to speak, things in themselves — and 
as having real and natural cosmic existence before they become inter- 
active with subsequent human energy dynamics. 

The nexus of all of this had to do with the fact that human ener- 
getic organisms can often sense such supernal energies, even if only 
ambiguously so. Most pre-modern societies made some kind of socio- 
cultural allowance for this type of sensing. The theoretical strictures of 

306 



the modern body-mind dualism did not. 

The reasons for the modern strictures are not easily identified 

or explained. But it was quite easy to truce the evolution of the strir 

tures. 


It can be said, with historical justification, that the sciences of 
the Renaissance were focused on positive distinctions regarding the "in 
fluences” of cosmic, natural and biological “energetics." Within these 
energies, the triune concept of body-energy-mind had a correct and au 
thentic place. 

But at some early point during the post-Renaissance decadeH, 
this important trinity almost invisibly passed from mainstream consid 
eration, and this produced two results: 

1 that the human was increasingly explained as body-mind only; 

2 that the Renaissance concepts of energetics increasingly were 

stigmatized as “occult” and hence unscientific 

The chronology established that the Western strictures against 
energetics had surfaced after the Renaissance, roughly between 1680 
and 1730 during which period the negative distinction of the so-called 
occult sciences was formalized. 

This anti-occult trend conditioned societal responses away from 
occult matters and phenomena — and increasing ratios of mainstream 
social intolerance against them began manifesting. 

It was also easy to establish that roughly by 1850 or earlier, the 
strictures themselves came to constitute the accepted societal, main 
stream parameters of knowledge, while practically no consideration was 
any longer given to actual human experiencing that did not fit into I he 
strictures. 

Roughly between 1680 and 1880, the problems regarding the 
conflicts between occult and scientific knowledge had accumulated to 
an enormous degree. By 1880, the mainstream sciences had become 
entirely resistive regarding the issues involved. 

Recognizing the existence of this situation, leading tliinb ••• « 

including many eminent scientists, organized research soviet mil 

the forbidden energetic phenomena independently of the mu I team 

sciences. 

The first and most dynamic of those societies emerged In I 

307 


don 1882 under the rubric of “psychical research." 

As we have seen in the text, the early psychical researchers 
were clearly examining energetic phenomena that were most astonish- 
ing. However, many (but not all) early psychical researchers themselves 
had accepted the assumed authenticity of the body-mind dualism. 

And so, between about 1882 and the 1930s, the principle para- 
psychological concepts advanced ESP, psychokinesis and telepathy, etc., 
as being exclusively involved with unknown components of mind. 

Throughout the whole of this convoluted saga, the existence of 
energies per se was not denied. 

But the energies were associated in secondary ways with body 
and/or mind, and no discrete science of primary energetics evolved to 
consider the energies as factors independent of the body-mind dualism. 

It is to be noted that the body-mind dualism IS an ism— ISM 
always referring to a distinct doctrine or theory, as compared, for ex- 
ample, to distinctly observable phenomena or facts. 

During the Progressive Age of Western science and psychology 
(roughly between 1905-1955), thinkers had expended a great deal of 
activity and funding in an effort to identify what the “normal” human 

consisted of. . , , 

This effort basically consisted of attempts, in the form ot whole- 

sale “testing" of individuals, to ascertain various psychological and in- 
telligence criteria that would identify the "normal from the abnor- 
mal"— but which criteria more or less had already been decided upon 

theoretically and philosophically. 

By tracing the history of this period, it could be seen that dis- 
tinctions between normal and abnormal were undertaken in the name 
of science and psychology theory— not in the name of actual human 
experiencing. (I.e., anything that tasted of the occult was abnormal.) 

But more in fact, the guiding principles of this effort were socio- 
logical in conceptualization— in that any results obtained by the effort 
were ultimately geared toward utilization in sociological management. 

THE UNACKNOWLEDGED NECESSITY OF 
THE ENERGETIC COMPONENT 


ing of them. 

Without this component, such phenomena more or less have to 
be shunted to the unscientific fringes— since* neither the body as such, 
or the mind as such, can convincingly explain them. 

After the disappearance of Renaissance “energetics,” and until 
the Soviet introduction of “bio-energetics,” no comparable, official con- 
cept really existed in the modern scientific and philosophical West. Al- 
though human energies could be talked of in popular, layman terms, no 
official scientific or philosophical substance existed for them. 

It was only by tracing the Western sociological treatment of psy- 
chical phenomena that not only the avoidance, but ultimately the de- 
nial, of human energetics became identifiable. In fact, however, there 
are no real scientific grounds for such an wholesale avoiding of ener- 
getic phenomena. And so this ‘avoiding now stood out like a red flag in 
a sea of white ones. 

ENERGETICS— THE BRIDGE TO UNDERSTANDING 
SEXUAL AND CREATIVE ENERGIES 

It is, of course, a great leap from Soviet and Chinese energetics 
to the topics of human sexuality and creativity. But those two topics are 
among the most commonly and frequently experienced and sensed as 
being energetic in nature — with the advantage that they are always 
sensed as energies much before anything else. 

In any event, it can be said that nothing happens unless some 
kind of energetics is involved. It would seem, then, that establishing 
and enlarging studies of human energetics would contribute to empow 
erment in many areas. 


Whatever else might be said about psychical phenomena, an 
“energetic” component is necessary to begin any significant understand- 



SUGGESTED HEADING 


NOTE: The topic of psy< In. hoxuii! ennigii’s In |#Mnm Inmiil ill 
rectly addressed in published materials, or in relutimi Inp In lh«* Hold 
of human energetics now growing. There* are two prim ipitl mm mm fm 
this. 

First, information during the modern period was inri hiiniii»(Iy 
compartmentalized into mainstream Helds, disciplines and *p« « mil m •» 
One of the ultimate results was that various categories of infer m it ion 
were insulated from each other — and so greater integration of nil know I 
edge seldom took place. ^ 

Second, various kinds of information were treated mi taboo dm 
ing the same modern period, and as such none was permitted to In! rude 
into any of the compartmentalized categories as established The topics 
of human energetics, PSI, and sexualizing energies were excluded from 
entry into any established field, or any field seeking mainstream accep- 
tance. 

The advent of the Sex Liberation Age (c. 1965) served to estab 
lish a new compartmentalized field for sexual behavioral studies and 
the bio-mental aspects of sexuality. But as the new field opened up and 
developed, it remained insulated from most other established fields, 
with its interests avoiding the taboos of PSI, human energetics, and the 
topic of sexual energies. 

Even if oblique, all of the sources listed below have some kind of 
reference to sexual and human energetics, the latter a new field still 
seeking authenticity. But as is the case with most of the sources, one 
has to read between the lines in order to grok the hidden implications 
regarding meaning and implications via a vis the topic of sexualizing 
energies. It is also to be understood that the lines between sexualizing 
energies and other kinds of human energies can be very miniscule. 

* 

Allen, Paula Gunn, Grandmothers of the Light: A Media fir 
Womans Sourcebook. (Beacon Press, Boston, 1991.) 

Bagnall, O., The Origins and Properties of the Human Aura 
(University Books, New York, 1970.) S 

Bailey, Alice, The Light of the Soul, Its Science and J/pt I 




:u l 


* 


Paraphrase of the Yoga Sutras of Patanjali. (Lucis Publishing, New York, 
1950.) 

Baraduc H La Force Vitale: Notre corps fluidique sa 
biometrique formulation (The Vital Force: Our fluid bodies and their 
biometric patterns). (Georges Carre, Paris, 1893.) 

Becker, Robert O. and Gary Selden, The Body Electric: Electro- 
magnetism and the Foundation of Life. (William Morrow, New York, 

1985.) 


Beesely, R. P., The Robe of Many Colors. (The College of Psycho- 
therapeutics, Kent, England, 1957.) 

Bennett, Hal Zina, The Lens of Perception: A Field Guide to In- 
ner Resources. (Celestial Arts, Berkeley, California, 1987.) 

Bergler, Edmund, The Superego. (Grune & Stratton, New York, 

1952.) 

Besant, Annie and C. W. Leadbeater, Thought-Forms. (The Theo- 
sophical Publishing House, Adyar, India, 1901. Quest Book edition, 

1969.) 

Best. Simon and Cvril W. Smitt u Electromagnetic Man. (St. 
Martin’s Press, New York, 1989.) 

Bloch. George J., Mesmerism: A TYanslation of the Original 
MedicaTand ScientifiTWritings. of F. A. Mesmer, M.D. (William 
Kaufmann, Los Altos, California, 1980.) 


m Brennan , Barbara Ann. Hands of Light: A Guide to Healing 
Through the Human Energy Field. (Pleiades Books, New York, 1987.) 

Buranelli, Vincent, The Wizard From Vienna, Franz Anton 
Mesmer, A Biography of the 1 8th Century Doctor Who Laid the Founda- 
tion for Modern Psychiatry. (Coward, McCann & Geoghegan, New York. 
1975.) 

Burr. Harold Saxton, Blueprint For Immortality: The Electric -] 
Patterns of Life. (Neville Spearman Publishers, London, 1972.) 

— The Fields of Life: Our Links with the Universe. (Ballantine 


GtW'd - 


Books, New York, 1972.) 

Cantarella, Eva. Bisexuality in the Ancient World. (Yale Uni- 
versity Press, New Haven, Rhode Island, 1992.) 

Carpenter, Edward, The Art of Creation: Essays on the Self and 
Its Powers. (George Allen, London, 1904.) 

Carr, Donald-E., The Forgotten Senses. (Doubleday & Co., Gar- 
den City, New York, 1972.) 

Carrington, Hereward, Modern Psychical Phenomena: Recent 
Researches and Speculations. (Dodd, Mead & Co., New York, 1919.) 

Chuvin, Pierre, A Chronicle of the Last Pagans. (Harvard Uni- 
versity Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1990.) 

Cohen, Kenneth S., Qigong: The Art and Science of Chinese 
Energy Healing. (Ballantine, New York, 1997). 

Cole, K. C., Sympathetic Vibrations: Reflections on Physics as a 
Way of Life. (William Morrow, New York, 1985.) 

Conway, David, Secret Wisdom: The Occult Universe Explored. 
(Jonathan Cape, London, 1985.) 

Cox, Edward W., Spiritualism Answered by Science. (Longman 
and Co., London, 1871.) 

Crookes, William, Spiritualism Viewed by the Light of Modern 
Science. (“Quarterly Journal of Science (London),” July, 1970.) 


Dong, Paul, and Thoma s _E. Ra 
(Marlowe & Company, New YorkTl997.) 


Chinas Super Psychics 


Dubrov, A. P., Th e Geomagnetic Field and Life. (Plenum Prowl, 
New York, 1978.) 

Edwardes, Allen, The Jewel In The Lotus: A Historical Snn^y 
of the Sexual Culture of the East . (Julian Press, New York. 19AM ) 

Fiske, John. Outlines of Cosmic Philosophy (in two volmmul 


:n:i 


(Houghton, Mifflin & Co., Boston, 1874.) 

Eodor^ Nandor, F reud, Jung, and Occultism. (University Books, 
New HydtT Park, N.Y., 1971). 

Geley, Gustave, From the Unconscious to the Conscious. (Harper 
& Brothers, London, 1921.) 

George, Leonard, Alternative Realities: The Paranormal, the 
Mystic and the lYanscendent in Human Experience. (Facts On File, New 

York, 1995.) 

Gray, William E., Know Your Magnetic Field. (Christopher Pub- 
lishing House, Boston, 1947.) 

Green, Elmer and Alyce Green, Beyond Biofeedback: Pioneer- 
ing Research that Explores the Mind’s Power to Control the Body and Its 
Unconscious Functions, the Emotions, and States of Consciousness. 
(Delacorte Press, New York, 1977.) 

Grim, John A., The Shaman: Patterns of Siberian and Ojibway 
Healing. (University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, Oklahoma. 1983.) 

Gunther, Bernard, Energy Ecstasy: And Your Seven Vital 
Chakras. (The Guild of Tutors Press, Los Angeles, 1978.) 

Harding, M. Esther, Psychic Energy: Its Source and Goal. (The 
Bollingen Series published by Pantheon Books, New York, 1948.) 

Heline, Corinne, Occult Anatomy and the Bible. (Rosicrucian 
Fellowship Press, Oceanside, Calif., 1937.) 

Hunt, Valerie V., Infinite Mind: The Science of Human Vibra- 
tions. (Malibu Pub. Co. (P.O. Box 4234, Malibu, California 90265) 1995.) 

Inglis, Brian, The Hidden Power. (Jonathan Cape, London, 1986.) 

Johari, Harish, Tools For Tantra. (Inner Traditions Interna- 
tional, Rochester, Vermont, 1986.) 

Karagulla, Shafica, Breakthrough to Creativity: Your Higher 
Sense Perception. (DeVorss & Co., Los Angeles, 1967.) 


314 



Karagulla, Shafica and Dora van Guide. Ktm/.. The fhnhiut 

and the Human Energy Fields. (The TheoHoplur.il || 

Wheaton, Illinois, 1989.) 

Kiefer, Otto ^ Sexual Life in Ancient Rome . (IWnH I' Nmw 

York, 

Keiffer, Gene (Ed.), Kundalini For The New Age: S'e/e, i, ,i II > ,/ 
ings of Gopi Krishna. (Bantam Books, New York, 1988.) 'll- 

Kilner, Walter The Human Aura. (Originally, The Homan 
AtmospKere (London, 1921). (University Books, New Hyde I'm k Now 
York, 1965.) 

Krippner, Stanley and Daniel Rubin (Eds.) Galaxies <>/ /,//.• The 
Human aura in Acupuncture and Kirlian Photography. (Gordon and 
Breach, New York, 1973.) 

— The Kirlian Aura: Photographing the Galaxies of Life 
(Anchor Press/Doubleday, Garden City, N.Y., 1974.) 

Krishna, Gopi., Kundalini: The Evolutionary Energy in Man 
(Ramadhar & Hopman, New Delhi and Zurich, 1967.) 

Kunz, Dora van Gelder t The Personary Aura. (Quest Books, The 
Theosophical Publishing House, Wheaton, Illinois, 1991.) 

Laucks, Irving F., A Speculation in Reality. (Philosophical Li 
brary, New York, 1953.) 

Leadbeater, C.W., The Chakras: A Monograph. (Sixth edition, 
The Theosophical Publishing House, Adyar, India, 1961.) 

— 75W*/j*rZ//fe(in two volumes, first published in 1910. Fourlli 
edition. The Theosophical Publishing House, Wheaton, Illinois 19(17 l 

— Man Visible and Invisible: Examples of Different types of A fen 
as Seen by Means of TYained Clairvoyance. (The Theosophical 1’uhhi.h 
ing House, Adyar, 1902. Quest Book edition, 1952.) 

Lee, Sang My ung, Super Magnetic Field: Prana Scie/u . (I '■ mi. .1 
in Korea, 1991.) 

Licht, Hans, Sexual Life in Ancient Greece. (The Abbe t l.lo.ir* 
London. 1932.) 

JM 


Lovgren, George K The Art of Inner Seeing. (Karl Bern Pub- 
lishers, Sun City, Arizona, 1977.) 

Mann, W. Edward, Orgone, Reich and Eros. (Simon and Schuster, 
New York, 1973.) 

May, G„ Social Control of Sexual Expression. (Allen & Unwin, 
London, 1930.) 

Merleau-Ponti, M„ The Phenomenology of Perception. (The Hu- 
manities Press, New York, 1972.) 

Merrel -Wolff, Franklin, The Philosophy of Consciousness With- 
out an Object: Reflections on the Nature of Transcendental Conscious- 
ness. (Julian Press, New York, 1973.) 

Mosse, George L., Nationalism and Sexuality: a Respectability 
and Abnormal Sexuality in Modern Europe. (Howard Fertig, New York, 
1985.) 


Motoyama, Hiroshi, The Functional Relationship Between Yoga 
Asanas and Acupuncture Meridians. (I.A.R.P., Tokyo, 1979.) 

— The Correlation between PSI Energy and Ki. (Human Sci- 
ence Press, Tokyo, 1991.) 

Payne, Buryi, The Body Magnetic. (Self-published? Printed in 
Santa Cruz, California, 1990 (no other information given.) 

Pierrakos, John C., The Energy Field in Man and Nature. (In- 
stitute for the New Age, New York, 1971 (Monograph).) 

Popp, Fritz- Albert (Ed.). Electromagnetic Bio-Information. (Ur- 
ban & Schwarzenberg, Munic-Vienna-Baltimore, 1979). 

Powell, Arthur E, The Etheric Double. (The Theosophical Pub- 
lishing House, London, 1925. Fifth edition, 1969.) 

— The Causal Body and the Ego. (Theosophical Publishing 

House, London, 1928.) 

— The Astral Body. (The Theosophical Publishing House, Lon- 
don, 1972.) 

Presman, A. S., Electromagnetic Fields and Life. (Plenum Press, 


New York. 1970.) 

Purucker, G. de. Occult (Ihssai > I < bm/wndium of Oriental 
and Theosophical Ibrms. (Thoosophicnl University Press, Pasadena, 
1972.) 


Reichenbach, Cha rles von, Ps ysico- Physiological Researches on 
the Dynamics of Magnetism, fiiectri ity Heat. Light. CrysIdTTUntton-, 
and Chemism in their Relation to Vital Force. (First published in 1851, 
republished by Health Research, Mokelumne Hill, California, 1995.) 

— Vital Force . (J. S. Redfield, Clinton Hall, New York, 1851.) 

— The Od Force : A Newly Discovered Power in Nature. (First 
published in 1854, republished by Health Research. Mokelumne Hill, 
California (no date).) 

Rubik, Beverly, Life at the Edge of Science. (The Institute for 
Frontier Science, Philadelphia, 1996.) 

Schiffman, H. R., Sensation And Perception: An Integrated Ap- 
proach. (John Wiley & Sons, New York, 1976.) 

Scott, George Ryley, Phallic Worship: A History of Sex & Sexual 
Rites. (Luxor Press, London, 1966.) 

Sharaf. Myron, Fury on Earth: A Biography of Wilhelm Reich. 
(St. Martin's Press, New York, 1983.) 

Shattuck, Roger, Forbidden Knowledge: From Prometheus to 
Pornography. (St. Martin’s Press, New York, 1996.) 

Taimni, I. K., The Science of Yoga: The Yoga-Sutras of Patanjah 
(The Theosophical Publishing Hourse, Wheaton, Illinois, 1961.) 

Talamonti, Leo, Forbidden Universe: Mysteries of the Psychic 
World. (Stein and Day, New York, 1975.) 

Talbot, Michael, The Holographic Universe. (HarperCollin>‘. New 
York, 1991.) ■ 

Tannahill, Reay, Sex in History. (Scarborough House, I ml. am 
Maryland, 1992.) 


316 


317 



Tansley, David V., Subtle Body: Essence and Shadow. (Thames 
and Hudson, London, 1977.) 

^ay lor, G . Rattray, Se x in History: The Story of Society’s Chang- 
ing AttituHeTto ScTThfoughout the Ages. (Vanguard Press, New York, 
1970.) 

_ Thurston. T he Physical Phenomena of Mysticism. 

(Henry Regnery, Chicago, 1952.) 

Tiller, W illiam A ., Science and Human lYansformation: Subtle 
Energies, lntentionahty and Consciousness. (Pavior Publishing, Wal- 
nut Creek, California, 1997.) 

Tillett, Gregory, The Elder Brother: A Biography of Charles 
Webster Leadbeater. (Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1982.) 

Vasiliev, L. L., Experiments in Distant Influence. (Dutton & Co., 
New York, 1963.) 

Walker, Benjamin, Encyclopeida of Esoteric Man. (Routledge & 
Kegan Paul, London, 1977.) 

White, John, Kundalini, Evolution and Enlightenment. (Anchor 
Books, New York, 1979.) 

Wilson, Colin, The Misfits: A Study of Sexual Outsiders. (Carroll 
& Graf, New York, 1988.) 

— Beyond The Occult: A Jlventy Year Investigation into the Para- 
normal. (Carroll & Graf, New York, 1989.) 

Wyckoff, James, Franz Anton Mesmer: Between God and Devil. 
(Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1975.) 

Zolla, Elemire, The Androgyne: Reconciliation of Male and Fe- 
male. (Crossroad, New York, 1981.) 

Zukav, Gary, The Dancing Wu Li Masters: An Overview of the 
New Physics. (William Morrow, New York, 1979.) 


318